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This paper aims to add information on how women's voices enriched American social entrepreneurship in the Progressive era. While most discussions of women as social entrepreneurs have centered on white middle class women, this article profiles two female agents for change and innovation who came out of the white working class and Boston's Black elite, respectively. These additions provide an analysis of female participation that takes account of issues of intersectionality and positionality, important concepts in contemporary critical theory.

This article extends our understanding of women's role as social entrepreneurs in the early twentieth century by offering biographies of Rose Schneiderman and Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin based on extensive examination of sources from Progressive era documents to contemporary scholarly analyses. Inclusion of Progressive era sources enables the narrative to suggest how these social entrepreneurs were viewed in their own day.

Biographies of Rose Schneiderman and Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin indicate the broad range of women who developed new organizations to serve traditionally marginalized populations in the Progressive era. The article shows the types of obstacles each woman faced; it enumerates strategies they used to further their aims as well as recording some of the times they could not surmount class- or race-based obstacles placed in their paths.

At a time when issues of intersectionality and positionality have become more prominent in management discourse, this article expands the class and race backgrounds of women specifically proposed as icons of social entrepreneurship. It represents an early attempt to link these concepts with the study of entrepreneurship.

This paper aims to depict the pivotal role played by Rose Schneiderman and Frances Perkins in early twentieth-century labor and safety reform in the USA. The paper also examines the contributions made by these notable women through the lens of stakeholder theory and the feminist ethic of care.

The review process commenced with a comprehensive search for women in history who advocated labor and safety reform and campaigned for safer organizational practices in the workplace. History books, academic journals and newspaper articles, including writings from Schneiderman and Perkins, were the main sources used for this research endeavor.

Schneiderman and Perkins were both instrumental in playing a major role in fighting for labor and safety reform in the early twentieth century, albeit in different ways. Through their work, there was a heightened understanding of organizations’ duties and obligations to their stakeholders and, in particular, to their employees. They also embodied the feminist ethic of care by being attentive to the needs of others, accepting responsibility and demonstrating competence, while being responsive to their needs.

The influential women in management history are often given scant recognition or not recognized at all. This article highlights the contributions of two women who greatly impacted labor and safety through their struggle for the improvement of working conditions in the USA. The originality of this manuscript also lies in the ethical perspective in which it is grounded.

Education initiatives have increased expectations of students’ non-fiction reading and text-based writing within history, social studies and other curricula. Teachers must locate age-appropriate curricular materials and implement discipline-specific pedagogy to guide students’ history literacy, historical thinking and historical argumentation. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

Students are guided on an inquiry into an underemphasized element of a historically significant figure’s life. Eleanor Roosevelt’s labor and poverty advocacies generate comparably less attention by historians and trade book authors than her work with civil rights, human rights and international diplomacy.

Students are positioned to scrutinize primary and secondary sources using differentiated optics relevant to each source type. History literacy and historical thinking strategies ground students’ analyses. After extracting meaningful content from diverse sources, students are prompted to engage in text-based writing to articulate their newly developed understandings. Diverse elements of revision bolster students’ historical argumentation.

Close reading, critical thinking and text-based writing are joined throughout the guided inquiry.

The previously unused texts and original tasks are intended for middle school classrooms. These sources and strategies integrate different elements of history literacy, historical thinking and historical argumentation throughout the inquiry.

Suggests that the Triangle Shirtwaist factory fire in New York City in 1911 was the veritable genesis of laws safeguarding workers. The events of the 18‐minute inferno which killed 146 young, immigrant garment workers are summarized, as are the factory owners’ responses to the fire, along with the rationalizations they used to defend their lethal actions, which included moral justification, accusing the accuser, blaming the victim, advantageous comparison, responsibility displacement, responsibility diffusion, dehumanization, and blame attribution. Reviews workplace reforms initiated as a direct result of this fire and discusses why such historical disasters are unlikely to re‐occur if three simple lessons are heeded: first, it is unfortunate that it has required major trauma or carnage to awaken the public to the realities of existing dangers; second, mere compliance with existing statutes is often insufficient for protecting workers; and third, organizations which fail to self‐monitor will often be subjected to external control and regulation.

The purpose of this paper is to add information on which voices contributed to the scientific management narrative from Frederick Taylor’s 1915 death to the early 1930s with a focus on the role of labor union representatives. The strategy is to analyze the role of labor representatives as participants in Taylor Society meetings and publications. The research contributes to the management history literature by bolstering the picture of the Taylor Society as a liberal, pro-labor organization. The research also shows that the Taylor Society was an early proponent of the idea that assembling diverse groups for dialogue improves organizational problem-solving.

The research analyzes historical sources including all issues of the Society’s bulletin from 1914 to 1933 and unpublished material from the Morris Cooke papers and the papers in the Frederick Taylor archive at Stevens Institute of Technology.

Taylor Society leaders took a proactive view of encouraging labor voices to join managers and academics in society meetings. At the beginning, few labor leaders spoke at the society, and often, at least some of their comments were critical of scientific management. By 1925, labor participation increased with William Green, American Federation of Labor (AFL) president appearing several times. In addition, labor leaders became positively inclined toward having scientific management experts working in industrial settings. The labor leaders who participated at Taylor Society meetings in the late 1920s and early 1930s considered scientific management insights as useful for labor and wanted to cooperate with the researchers.

The paper augments a revisionist view of interwar scientific management as progressive and pro-labor, a contested point in the management history literature. The research also shows how the Taylor Society was an early proponent of the importance of diversity, at least in the areas of gender and socioeconomic status, for effective problem-solving.

In most countries, the more favourable the political climate towards labour, the greater the degree of labour organisation. However, a favourable political climate does not appear to equate womens participation and leadership in trade unions with that of mens.

The interests of Public Health in its medical aspect would seem to have always received support in the Union of South Africa. In the year 1911–12, for instance, the sum of one hundred thousand pounds was expended; in the year of the influenza epidemic three times that sum. The present rate of expenditure is in the neighbourhood of a quarter of a million. There are many public bodies who concern themselves with health conditions in the Union and they are all in touch with the central authority. The officials of the Public Health Department were eagerly waiting for this new Food and Drugs Act to become operative. The growth of industry in South Africa and its bearing on the future of the nation has been fully recognised if the statute book may be taken as a reliable guide. Thus the system of weights and measures was unified by the Act of 1923; the growth of industry encouraged by such Acts as that of the Iron and Steel Industry Encouragement Act of 1922; industrial machinery has been made to run more smoothly by the Industrial Conciliation Act, 1924, and the Wages Act, 1925. Public Health has been safeguarded by the creation of the Public Health Department and by the Public Health Act, 1919, and the Medical, Dental, and Pharmacy Act, 1928; but it was only six months ago that the Act under review came into operation, and the matter with which this Act is concerned lies at the very foundations of public health. The Bill was introduced by the Minister for Public Health on the 2nd February, 1928; and read for the second time on the 27th February. It received the cordial support of both Senate and House of Assembly. Not a dissentient voice was raised. Everyone was eager to support the urgent representations that had been made by such public bodies as the Chambers of Commerce and Industry, the Board of Trade and Agriculture, the Union Council of Public Health, and all the larger municipalities. The Bill had been drawn up after a careful study of similar Australian, New Zealand, and United States legislation. The existing Acts were hopelessly out of date. The Natal and Free State Acts had been founded on the Cape Province Act, and this in its turn on the English Act of 1875, so that legislation was over fifty years old at the time of repeal. Official figures showed that harmful adulteration might be as high as ten per cent. of the samples submitted and these figures certainly did not give a true idea of the extent of such adulteration. As to adulteration with non‐injurious substances it may be sufficient to state that 27 per cent. of butter samples taken in Cape Town contained from 11 to 6 per cent. of foreign fat. Coffee is almost a universal drink among the Dutch population of South Africa, but owing to the inadequacy of the laws the country had, in the words of a witness in Committee, become “ a dumping ground ” for coffee of such an inferior kind that it is difficult to imagine anyone who could get anything better drinking it. Nevertheless it was described by the vendors in such glowing terms as to call forth protests from the Brazilian consul. Sometimes “ coffee ” was not coffee at all. It might be “ banana skins !” Sometimes it was worse than this. Such was a consignment of coffee from Hamburg. It had been in store for more than two years, and its first use was to nourish a large population of weevils—we understand that coffee must be two years old and over before this can happen. These creatures had made such good use of their opportunity that not much was left of the original coffee. As such stuff was only fit for the rubbish destructor it went to South Africa. The bits of beans plus weevils were embedded in a clay matrix, of the proper shape, to give them coherence, baked, stained, and polished—by the way it may be said that the staining and polishing of coffee had by this time assumed the character and dimensions of a skilled industry. Fortunately at this stage of the proceedings the health authorities at Cape Town intervened. It was stated by the Minister who introduced the Bill, with some reserve, that the incidence of adulteration had reached such proportions that the commercial morality of the Union in general was beginning to deteriorate. We should think so. There was certainly little to encourage the ordinary trader to put Sunday school maxims into practice. Fortunately public patience broke down before public health. On the 1st March the Bill was read for the first time in the Senate. It went into the Committee stage on the 8th. Here the usual revelations were made. Milk had, of course, received its full share of attention. So much so indeed that the Act forbids a milk vendor to carry skim milk or water in the same cart when delivering whole milk. It also appeared in evidence that a dairyman had only to keep two or three cows, which yielded inferior milk, in his herd, water the milk of the lot and plead the cow, when prosecuted, with impunity. More than that such a cow was actually hired out to another milk vendor, whom the authorities were wicked enough to prosecute, so that he might take advantage of the peculiarities of the animal and the weakness of the law. It is said that Huxley had great faith in the elasticity of the Hebrew language in the hands of Biblical commentators, it cannot surpass our belief in the almost infinite possibilities of the cow when milk prosecutions are “ going,” but this new use for old cows had not occurred to us. An important witness stated that in his opinion the 3 per cent. minimum for fat in milk is very low, very little lower indeed than the average standard for milk in Cape Town. Cape Town milk it seems is poorer in fat than up country milk. This has been attributed to the Friesian cattle as in “ short horn ” districts, the fat percentage is always higher. Nevertheless Act No. 13, 1929, Chap. II., Part C. s. 17 (3) still declares the minimum fat content for milk sold for domestic purposes to be 3 per cent. Thus, it seems to us, a good opportunity of raising the minimum legal fat content to the great benefit of everybody has been missed. Most assuredly it will not readily recur. No doubt there would have been strong opposition on the part of the trade had any attempt been made to raise this low standard. There always has been. If we had had any doubt on the subject of trade opposition that doubt would have been removed by the following. The same witnesses stated that all the best brands of herds in the Cape Peninsular, are tested for tuberculosis which is “ very prevalent. ” He agreed that milk from tuberculous cows was “ highly dangerous to infant life. ” In reply as to whether it would not be safer to have all herds compulsorily tested, he said: “ It is a question they are afraid to tackle. ” They have been at it for the last 25 years. “ Q. What is the reason? Is it because ” tuberculosis is too prevalent in the Cape A. “ No. I think it is because it affects so many people. “ Had they started it 25 years ago there would not have been this trouble to‐day. “ During the past few years manufacturers of fruit juices and the like had written asking for particulars of food standards and enclosing copies of analyses. It had to be stated in reply that there were no food standards, but that a draft Food and Drugs Bill had been prepared and would probably be before the House during the next session. The Assistant Health officer of the Union who made this statement added, “ I have had to resort to this method of excluding adulterated food for the last three or four years and cannot carry on much longer. ” To send fruit juices to the land of fruit seems rather like sending coals to Newcastle. However, the addition of pectinous matter to preparations of fruits naturally deficient in pectin is well known, necessary, and permissible. But if this be done with the object of overloading, a jam declared to be made of one kind of fruit with a cheaper undeclared pulp it is a fraud which the Act is drawn to prevent. Chap. V. s. 42 empowers the Minister to make regulations under the Act and publish them in the Gazette. In the issue of the 28th March, p. 9, “jam” is defined. No mineral acid, flavouring substance, nor any vegetable substance save that derived from the varieties of fruits named on the label are permitted, but the jam may contain “a trace” of fruit‐derived malic, citric or tartaric acid, colouring matters as scheduled (p. 4) and added pectin not exceeding 0·3 per cent. calculated as calcium pectate. In “Fruit jelly” this may be 0·6 per cent. It is evident that without this regulation a consumer in this country of South African fruit products would have had no assurance that he was not getting synthetic products of European manufacture in South African fruit tins. As a last instance of the ease with which the law might be evaded and adulteration practiced the following may suffice. An inspector in the Cape Province asked for some “ mixed coffee. ” It was supplied him labelled “ mixed coffee ” with a verbal intimation that it contained 25 per cent. of chicory. It did, and 10 per cent. of ground acorns in addition. The conviction which followed was quashed on appeal by Mr. Justice Solomon on the grounds that acorns cost as much as chicory, that they were not shown to have been added to fraudulently increase the bulk, and that there was no evidence that acorns were injurious to health. It need hardly be said that this decision, extra‐ordinary thought thought it may seem, was in strict accordance with the letter of the law in this case, presumably ss. 6 and 7 of the Cape Province Act. Readers who may have followed us so far will probably by this time have come to the conclusion that any change in the law would have been for the better in the interests of the public health and the commercial reputation of the Union. Moreover as the instances of rascally practice that we have cited do not seem to have been at all “ out of the way, ” the successful continuance of such practice under what really amounted to legal protection would induce a belief that the people who would put up with such things must, in the words of Oriental euphemism, be “ afflicted of God ”; and belief in the existence of this unhappy state of things would have been considerably strengthened by the knowledge that at the very time they were spending thousands every year in the interests of public health, the Department of Public Health itself was almost hopelessly oppressed by the incubus of sub‐fossil legislation fifty years behind the times. That while the country was being advertised as a tourist ground and health resort no one from Cape Town to Johannesburg could be sure that any food product he might buy would not be grossly and harmfully adulterated. That while they were building up an extensive overseas trade in foodstuffs they were content to eat and to drink any rubbish that might be foisted on them. While the delay of the Government in amending the law and so putting an end to a state of things that had apparently become a sort of public scandal is hard to understand. It has taken fourteen years! We recall the action of Mr. Snodgrass in the street row in Ipswich who “ in a truly Christian spirit, and in order that he might take no one unawares, announced in a very loud tone that he was going to begin, and proceeded to take off his coat with the utmost deliberation. ”

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) states in 2018 that safeguarding “civil liberties is critical” to their official duties. The Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties within DHS, as its website explains,

reviews and assesses complaints from the public in areas such as: physical or other abuse; discrimination based on race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or disability; inappropriate conditions of confinement; infringements of free speech; violation of right to due process … and any other civil rights or civil liberties violation related to a Department program or activity.

My chapter tracks the centrality of deportability in shaping the civil liberties and rights that DHS is tasked with enforcing. Over the course of the twentieth century, people on US soil saw an expanding list of civil liberties and civil rights. Important scholarship concentrates on the role of the courts, state and federal governments, advocacy groups, social movements, and foreign policy driving these constitutional and cultural changes. For instance, the scholarship illustrates that coming out of World War I, the US Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment did not protect something the Justices labeled “irresponsible speech.” The Supreme Court soon changed course, opening up an era ever since of more robust First Amendment rights. What has not been undertaken in the literature is an examination of the relationship of deportability to the sweep of civil liberties and civil rights. Starting in the second decade of the twentieth century, federal immigration policymakers began multiplying types of immigration statuses. A century later, among many others, there is the H2A status for temporary low-wage workers, the H2B for skilled labor, and permanent residents with green cards. The deportability of each status constrains access to certain liberties and rights. Thus, in 2016, when people from the Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties within DHS act, they are not enforcing a uniform body of rights and liberties that applies equally to citizens and immigrants, or even within the large category of immigrants. Instead, they do so within a complicated matrix of liberties and rights attenuated by deportability, which has been shaped by the history of the twentieth century.

In a series of mid-20th century cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has modified and diversified the status of the enemy in U.S. law. We see a shift away from the statist egalitarian model toward a transnationalized model of enemies. U.S. Supreme Court decisions in three clusters of cases (German enemy aliens, the internment of the West Coast Japanese Americans, and Communist) from the 1940s and 1950s prefigure the radicalized post-9/11 “enemy combatant” status. The choice for such enemy conceptions is both a result of and a contribution to the changes in contemporary practices of violence.