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This essay aims at retracing the intellectual and biographical events of the economist Gino Arias (1879–1940), examining more in detail the two seasons at the opposite ends of his life: the early one that saw him considerably committed to the Zionist cause and the one that, thirty years later, would force him to confront the racial laws of the Fascist regime.

Despite the seeming tragic continuity of these two phases, Arias’s case is a real historiographical paradox since, over the long span between the opposite ends of his biography, not only did he distance himself from the Zionist movement, but he also gradually laid the foundations for his upcoming and immediate dedication to Fascism; indeed, within the Fascist regime he would stand out as an authoritative and influential theorist of corporatism, the institutional solution Mussolini tried to exploit to organize the national economic life.

After carefully examining Arias’s early contributions to the Zionist cause (that include the establishment of the Florentine Zionist Group and that led him toward strongly nationalistic stances), this essay sums up Arias’s intellectual biography during the next years and then, thanks to unprecedented documents from the Italian Ministry of Interior, closely looks into his fate after his conversion to Catholicism in 1932 and up against the racial laws of 1938, as well as into his attempts to escape persecution. A few final observations will then try to highlight the dramatic exemplarity of his case.

Starting from Gino Arias’s dictum on the uselessness of international trade theory for fascism, this contribution aims to demonstrate two main points. First, the free trade attitude displayed by fascism immediately before and after the “March on Rome” clashed with its nationalist origins. The nationalist movement had supported a strong protectionist policy starting from a rejection of the main principles of marginalist theory. This explains why some issues raised by Pareto and Barone which could have been used as arguments in favor of protectionism were neglected. In turn, this impasse played a major role in the rejection of Mihail Manoilescu’s theory in the thirties. The second point concerns the possibility of some – at least relatively – free theoretical debate on international trade theory and policy. When the regime set itself a clear objective, like the reduction of trade to begin with, and then autarky, the scope for free discussion narrowed to the point of eventually closing. In this context, refusing to support the regime’s choices in economic policy meant resigning oneself to becoming an outcast. A situation offering one more tessera in the complex mosaic of relations between science and politics in authoritarian regimes.

The first university was founded in Italy during the early 1110s. Since that time, education has not changed much. Early college education was based on communication, a continuous dialogue between teacher and learner. College education today is based heavily on communication with the only real change, in some instances, being the method in which the teacher and learner communicate.

This chapter provides a list and a brief description of files and documents where the name of Piero Sraffa is mentioned and are currently kept at the Archivio Centrale dello Stato and at the Archivio Storico Diplomatico. For each file or document we provide indication of the reference number where it is conserved and a transcription of one or two of the relevant documents out of more than 500 which have been located. The purpose of the chapter is to illustrate the results of archival research of the last decade, including more recent findings, and furnish a groundwork for further research, which may throw further light on documents already known to us, and lead to the discovery of new documents or information, so as to provide a better basis for the reconstruction of the biography of Piero Sraffa and of people whose lives entwined with his – Antonio Gramsci certainly ranking high among them.

X-Men is a movie franchise spanning 11 films centered on monsters and mutants (Braidotti, 1996), that is, the superheroes that appeared in the Marvel comics (Lauren Shuler Donner, 2000–2017). The franchise includes a rich compendium of male and female characters. Characters from both gender categories are gifted with powers and enjoy a remarkable focus from the plot. However, there are fewer female characters than male, and the former's powers are mainly related to the mind, rather than physical strength. If it is possible to immediately criticise the above-mentioned male focus, or the unequal distribution of powers, at the same time it is impossible to deny that both gender categories – male and female – reintroduce the gender binary that structures everyday reality in our current society (Butler, 2015). Such binary is a structural part of the cisgender and heteronormative system, inside which human beings carry out their existence. For these reasons, X-Men was interpreted by many transgender movements as a possible monstrous reclamation because it confers visibility to those bodies which are outside the norm (Preciado, 2020b) and it includes them in the context of a possible recognition as part of the cultural imaginary. This analysis, therefore, glimpses a possible liberation from the epistemological and material violence of the cisgender norm. This chapter will focus on the way in which the X-Men saga isn't faithful to a revolutionarily monstrous possibility, but rather carries out, through an apparatus of capture (Deleuze & Guattari, 2009), the reenactment of cis- and heteronormativity. In fact, those mutant and monstrous bodies represented here can be part of a highly popular franchise because they are part of the cisgender and heterosexual norm (Wittig, 1992) and because they put their monstrosity not outside the devices of power (Foucault, 2015), but at their service.