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This study aims to document the hypogea churches in Lay Gayint Woreda, South Gondar, to provide information for future tourism development practices and serve as insurance against loss of value due to unmanaged deteriorative factors.

The study followed a descriptive research design with qualitative research approach. Data were collected through field observations, interviews and written sources examination.

The study explored the lesser-known hypogea churches, which have significant tourist attraction values, including environmental, historical and architectural significance. However, the use of these potential cultural resources for tourism development is not yet attempted, and their conservation status is found to be critical. This documentation work is significant both for the sake of future tourism development plans and as insurance against looming cultural losses.

This study did not record the ancient treasures of the churches because of the current political instabilities that hindered the access of data. However, it has implication for the need of an extensive documentation activity to trace the cultural resources in the remote areas of the country for future tourism development and conservation practices.

This paper documented the remote hypogea churches not only for the purpose of future tourism development plan but also as an insurance of their values against unmanaged destructive factors.

It is over 20 years since the publication of the Wanless Report, “Securing our Future Health: Taking a Long-Term View”. The Wanless Report argued that the National Health Service (NHS) would survive in its current form only if the population became “fully engaged” with it.

In this discussion paper, the authors explored what “fully engaged” meant to Wanless, what it might mean now (allowing for the impact of the anti-vaxxer movement) and what policymakers could do to enhance public engagement.

Although the Wanless Report neatly fitted into other long-term thinking about the NHS, it was unique in that it built economic models to predict the costs and impact of different patterns of NHS performance. Wanless predicted that people’s poor levels of health would put considerable pressure on the NHS. This pressure could swamp efforts to meet healthcare targets and improve health outcomes, despite its sizeable investment of money. Wanless set out three possible scenarios for public engagement with the NHS: solid progress, slow uptake and fully engaged.

The authors pose questions for policymakers and practitioners. Would a reboot of the Wanless approach be worth the effort for policymakers? If yes, how would it differ from the original? The NHS faces the whole of society; could it be the vehicle for engaging the anti-vaxxer public with the truthfulness of medical science, and will it be this, that is, Wanless' enduring legacy?

The exploration of the Wanless Report is complicated (at least for the time being) by the rise of the anti-vaxxer movement’s resistance to health promotion and mistrust of part of the NHS.

This chapter traces the origin of racism and reviews the historical and contemporary debates around race and racialisation in western thought. There are persistent disagreements surrounding the origin and nature of racism. Because of the evolution of racist ideas, behaviours and institutional practices and policies, there are various views about the meaning and analytical application of racism. This chapter explores how ideas of race – understood as innate and immutable human differences that can be classified and ranked hierarchically based on race – has emerged in western history and evolved over time. It examines how this has influenced social and political practices and associated policies across the evolution of modernity. The chapter specifically discusses the Atlantic slave trade and how it shaped the historical development of race and racism within the context of colonialism. It concludes with a discussion and critical review of some of the racist systems and policies which have been enforced across different multiracial countries.

This study aims to identify the political alignment and political activity of the 11 Presidents of Britain’s most important scientific organisation, the Royal Society of London, in its early years 1662–1703, to determine whether or not the institution was politically aligned.

There is almost no information addressing the political alignment of the Royal Society or its Presidents available in the institution’s archives, or in the writings of historians specialising in its administration. Even reliable biographical sources, such as the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography provide very limited information. However, as 10 Presidents were elected Member of Parliament (MP), The History of Parliament: British Political, Social and Local History provides a wealth of accurate, in-depth data, revealing the alignment of both.

All Presidents held senior government offices, the first was a Royalist aristocrat; of the remaining 10, 8 were Royalist or Tory MPs, 2 of whom were falsely imprisoned by the House of Commons, 2 were Whig MPs, while 4 were elevated to the Lords. The institution was Royalist aligned 1662–1680, Tory aligned 1680–1695 and Whig aligned 1695–1703, which reflects changes in Parliament and State.

This study establishes that the early Royal Society was not an apolitical institution and that the political alignment of Presidents and institution continued in later eras. Furthermore, it demonstrates how the election or appointment of an organisation’s most senior officer can be used to signal its political alignment with government and other organisations to serve various ends.

No matter how dominant a worldview is, there are always other ways of interpreting the world. (Littlebear, 2000, p. 79)

No matter how dominant a worldview is, there are always other ways of interpreting the world. (Littlebear, 2000, p. 79)

These words resonated with me when I first started my career in higher education in Canada 15 years after being a school teacher for much of my young adult life in México. Back then, in Mexico, I took for granted the way in which I lived my values. While there were instances and contexts where those values were challenged, it was not until I moved to Canada that I started redefining and reshaping my worldview, negotiating what was negotiable within me, and fighting to maintain my position in what was not negotiable. I am still learning to navigate the world of postsecondary education where I have learned that, as Siksika Elder Leroy Littlebear (2000) observes, “No one has a pure worldview that is 100 percent Indigenous or Eurocentric; rather, everyone has an integrated mind, a fluxing and ambidextrous consciousness” (p. 85). How then, do I show all of who I am when my position toward Indigenous history, culture, language, and values is informed by my own upbringing and experience and consequently might be perceived as “biased”?

This auto-ethnographic chapter addresses this question by presenting a case study where I reflect on Littlebear's (2000) observations on the fluidity of worldviews and the development of an “ambidextrous consciousness,” and how those principles have allowed me the space to be my authentic self despite the different ontological and axiological orientations I have encountered my work in higher education.

This paper aims to introduce International Digital Collaborative Autoethnographical Psychobiography (IDCAP).

This paper describes how IDCAP was developed to answer research questions about what it takes and what it means to recover from mental illness. During its development, IDCAP combined the diverse and intersectional experiences, knowledge and interests of an Anglo-Swedish research team with what could be found in different publications concerning the experiences and the mental illnesses of the musicians Syd Barrett, Peter Green and Brian Wilson.

IDCAP combines features of autoethnography and psychobiography to offer a novel qualitative research method.

Whilst IDCAP was created to focus on recovery from mental illness and musicians, it can be applied to other areas of research. It shares the same limitations as autoethnography and psychobiography, although some of the features of IDCAP may go some way to mitigate against these.

IDCAP is a novel research method that is offered to other researchers to develop and enhance further through application.

IDCAP is a collaborative research method that encourages the involvement of a wide range of researchers from different countries and cultures. It can be used to give voice to marginalised groups and to counter discrimination and prejudice. Recovery from mental illness is a topic of great personal and social value.

IDCAP is a novel research method that, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, has not been explicitly used before.