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The purpose of this paper is to highlight the structural features that are proving central to the stability of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and those features that were detrimental to its predecessors.

This paper adopts a legalization framework derived from the model presented by Abbott et al. The simplicity of Abbott et al.’s theory allows for variation in the agreements’ text to be easily measured and compared. The inherent advantages of this model offset the difficulties in characterizing peace agreements under traditional legal methodologies, and reiterate the importance of legalized agreements in a conflict resolution context.

This paper finds that a more highly legalized approach to peace-making has resulted in greater agreement stability in the Philippines. More precise in detail and inclusive in scope, the legal nature of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement has made it more responsive to the root causes of the conflict, and resilient to incidents that threatened to derail the peace process.

This case study bears valuable lessons for conflict zones the world over, particularly the troubled negotiations on Syria, and the crisis in Ukraine. The study: lends tentative support to Gopalan’s claim that agreements that exemplify hard legalization are much more sustainable in the long run; stresses the advantages of inclusivity in agreement sustainability and stability; reiterates the importance of addressing the key issues relevant to the conflict if the process is to be sustainable, and; notes the limitations of the legalization framework, but presents the Philippine example as a blueprint for addressing various aspects of the Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts.

This is the first peer-reviewed analysis to explore the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement as a highly legalized conflict resolution instrument, and an adaptable template for peace agreement design generally.

“Being connected” is one of the key terms of Franciscan Spirituality. St. Francis decided not to become a hermit (although it always was a great temptation for him), but he lived within the world with the people, especially with the poor. He felt a deep connection with everything and everybody on earth. Nature for him was mother, sister, and brother. Therefore, he had to help creation and creatures, whether an animal, a tree, or a leper. Expressions of this deep connection are his demands and the Franciscan characteristics of (evangelical) poverty, being a minor friar in the brotherhood. Peace and the responsibility for creation or ecology for peace are essentials of this connectedness. Francis wanted to live in peace with everybody and tried to create peace wherever it was possible and necessary. St. Bonaventure laid emphasis especially on this aspect of the Franciscan way of life. For today that has consequences: a radical shift, a conversion toward life and peace-making, toward the poor, and the helplessness of creation. Being connected in this way also has consequences for a re-thinking of the common models of economy.

The purpose of this chapter is to critically examine the extent to which oil multinational corporations (MNCs) can be both money makers and peace makers in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria, and to consider its implication for the role of business in conflict mitigation in resource-rich African countries.

The chapter presents a theoretical analysis based on secondary data and empirical research.

There is now an emerging consensus that business can be peace makers and money makers in developing countries as part of their social responsibility. However, the tendency to explore business-conflict linkage largely from a business perspective and to see conflict as an “incidence” that business has to respond to, as opposed to a “dynamic process” that is a function of the breakdown of stakeholder relationship, limits our understanding of the relationship between business and conflict. Focusing on the Niger Delta in Nigeria, it is argued that the contradictory tension inherent in the peace making efforts of oil MNCs and the nature of their core business activities (i.e., oil extraction) limits the incentives and undermines the capacity of oil MNCs to be peace makers.

The chapter contributes a critical perspective to the literature on business and conflict informed by nearly two decades of empirical research undertaken by the author in Africa. It analyzes how contextual factors in resource-rich African countries, previously neglected in the literature, influence both the willingness and ability of business to contribute to peace. It concludes by discussing the theoretical and practical implications for the role of business in conflict zones.

This chapter explores Christian wisdom in peacemaking, with particular reference to the experience of Christian International Peace Service (CHIPS). It expounds on the fundamentals of the Servant Leadership model and then draws these two strands together into the realm of business, with examples of how they are relevant in a commercial setting. This research can be aligned with principles of ‘participatory action research’, in so far as the author has been part of the community of practice generated by and informing the work of CHIPS in a range of peacemaking activities. Although CHIPS never makes claims to have made peace, it has proven beyond doubt that teams of Christians living humbly in the tension area, employing Biblical principles in peace-making and Servant Leadership, are incredibly effective in contributing to peace. Furthermore, the successful employment of servant leadership and peacemaking principles within commercial settings are illustrated through three business examples.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of the Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement (GFA) through the lens of sport, particularly football, and with reference to theoretical literature on peace-making processes.

The paper is structured in such a way as to review theoretical literature, to consider the nature of the Northern Ireland problem and its implications for sport, to critique the current settlement and to demonstrate its failings using sport as an exemplar. The methods used are a critical review of relevant literature combined with reflections on the author's own involvement in sport and community relations.

The paper argues that the GFA has resulted in a consociational “solution” to the Northern Ireland problem. The example of sport, and especially the standing of the Northern Ireland football team, indicates that such a settlement fails to address the central problem of two divided communities with different political aspirations and attitudes towards national identity.

The analysis is limited to the extent that it adopts an essentially top down approach. The findings deserve to be confirmed (or indeed refuted) at some future point by a gathering data from football fans and others. However, the implications are that the terms of the GFA should be revisited in the light of evidence of the failings of the current settlement not only as found in this paper but based on recent political developments.

The Irish Football Association has to address the perception that appears prevalent amongst some Catholic players that they are not wanted by the national association. Politicians need to renew their efforts to create greater mutual understanding instead of fooling themselves that so long as they can talk to each other, the communities they represent will remain peaceful.

I doubt if any academic author has had the same degree of involvement in relation to the role of sport in the Northern Ireland peace process. What gives the paper its particular value, however, is the fact that it is probably unique in looking at sport in Northern Ireland with specific reference to political science peace-making literature.

The role of the military in society has a long history beginning with the earliest of human civilizations. Through the ages, kings, tribal leaders and politicians have encouraged their soldiers to fight enemies (real or imaginary) in the name of nationalism, religion, tribal loyalty, ideology, etc. Though the means of fighting the enemy have changed, with primitive weapons replaced by superior technologies, in some societies, particularly in poor, under-developed countries, the same old tools are used. However, there are relatively few wars between the developed countries (excepting the war on terror), and as such the role of soldiers in these societies has changed. In these countries it is peace keeping or peace making, disaster management and similar strategies that most military efforts concern. Further, military recruitment has moved away from models based on conscription, and we see more and more women serving in armed forces. The traditional understanding of the soldier, as an instrument of cruelty and sometimes torture, is being particularly questioned. Sometimes, even soldiers themselves are questioning the need to fight, whom they are fighting, and what they are fighting for. Modern modes of war and peace missions affect the physical and mental health of soldiers even though it is fought with less immediate and more technologically advanced equipment. All of these issues are affecting the social, political and economic fabric of the country tremendously. Accordingly, Military Sociology needs to be looked from broader, interdisciplinary perspectives. The papers in the book, written by distinguished scholars, are focused towards this.

The emergence of intrastate conflicts has not only laid bare the limitations of ‘liberal peace’ strategies but has also raised questions on the utility of such ‘top-down’ strategies in societies that use traditional methods for conflict resolution and transformation. Such limitations in liberal peace strategies have also generated interest in the utility of traditional conflict resolution and transformation methods, especially in the Global South. Using Volker Boege's framework of traditional conflict transformation and employing case studies from Papua New Guinea (PNG), Rwanda and Timor-Leste, this chapter argues why traditional methods of conflict resolution and transformation still bear relevance in societies where culture and custom play an important role in social harmony and peace. By discussing these cases and using the lessons learnt from their discussion, the chapter concludes that even with their apparent utility and use in ‘hybrid’ models of peace, such traditional methods should be employed with care and after understanding of various social, cultural and historical variables.

Restorative justice (RJ) approach is currently not a mainstream practice for addressing the issue of intimate partner violence (IPV) in Singapore. In IPV, the persons affected are not limited to the persons experiencing violence (PEV) and persons using violence (PUV). There is a ripple effect when IPV happens and oftentimes, children, significant others and people in the community are negatively impacted. In short, IPV hurts self and relationships. Being relational in focus, the authors believe that an RJ approach can bring about healing and growth for persons directly or indirectly affected by the violence by building connectedness and a person’s relational capacity.

The authors proposed a framework for IPV work in the context of males using violence and females experiencing violence. Anchored in four working principles that are based on RJ, this framework seeks to guide practitioners to journey with affected parties in their healing process. In their endeavour to make a case for RJ in IPV work, the authors also offered possibilities and challenges for restorative IPV intervention in Singapore’s current landscape.

The authors strongly believe that an RJ-influenced practice has the potential to break the violent cycle by disrupting the conditions associated with IPV, including isolation, economic stress and societal norms regarding gender expectations. The authors also opined that an RJ-influenced practice can create a sustained longer-term outcome of healthy relationships through establishing non-violence behaviour as a societal norm.

These assumptions form a policy framework that assumes it is reasonable for the West to intervene in the affairs of non-Western countries as well as in countries that are close to the West but are not Western in behavior (often defined as non-democratic). Western masters aide these nations by advancing democracy. Let us consider this policy framework.