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The study examines the responsibilisation of an ethnocentric consumer in commercial, meta-organisational discourses. In addition to nationalistic and patriotic discourses, the focus is on wider conceptualisations of consumer responsibility.

The paper uses critical discourse analysis as a methodological approach to conduct an empirical case study on the texts of two producer-driven labelling campaigns.

The campaign texts create possibilities for ethnocentric consumption with positioning, argumentative and classificatory discourses. Patriotic responsibilisation is emphasised, together with rationales to take action on environmental concerns.

The study highlights the responsibility of marketers over their corporate responsibility communication, suggesting that ethnocentric promotions may have the power to alter how consumers take action on various responsibility concerns.

The study surfaces the tensions that responsible consumption can entail for consumers. Indeed, nationalistic and patriotic discourses may alter our understanding of responsibility issues that may seem completely separate from the concepts of nationalism and patriotism.

The paper shows how different organisational texts are deployed to bring about the idea of ethnocentric consumption and how this relates to responsibility discourses, nationalism and patriotism.

The purpose of this paper is to incorporate Chinese traditionality (CT) and patriotism (PAT) within the theory of reasoned action (TRA). It tests the moderating effect of gender with the aim to provide a deeper understanding of why Chinese tourists choose to take domestic travels.

Data is collected from 370 Chinese tourists. Convenience sampling is used. Structural equation modelling is used to test the proposed hypotheses.

The results of this paper show that PAT is positively related to tourists’ attitudes (ATs) and Chinese domestic travel intention (CTI). Moreover, CT is found to influence PAT, ATs and subjective norms (SNs) directly, as well as CTI indirectly. However, the positive relationship between PAT and SNs is not supported. Additionally, the influence of PAT on CTI for females is significantly higher than that for males.

The current paper adopts convenience sampling; data is collected using an online questionnaire which may cause sample bias and even reduce the reliability of the data. Future studies may adopt quota sampling based on the population of each province to gain more reliable data. Further research can consider including more constructs to better understand why Chinese people choose to travel domestically.

This paper is one of the first attempts to include PAT and CT within the TRA and contributes to the pool of literature on the TRA. It provides a comprehensive understanding of CTI. Second, PAT and CT are linked to the TRA, which expands the application of PAT and CT to the context of hospitality and tourism. Finally, the moderating role of gender contributes to the knowledge regarding the moderating effect between their respective relationships.

性别在中国传统与爱国主义对中国国内旅游意愿影响中的调节作用

摘要

本研究将中国传统性与爱国主义引入理性行为理论, 同时将性别作为调节变量, 目的在于探究中国游客选择国内游的原因。

通过分析便利抽样所收集的370份中国游客样本, 运用结构方程模型验证本研究的假设。

中国游客爱国主义能够正向显著影响其国内游的态度和旅游意向; 此外, 中国传统性也直接影响游客的爱国主义、态度和主观规范, 并且分别通过爱国主义、态度和主观规范间接影响旅游意向; 然而, 爱国主义和主观规范之间的关系却并没有得到验证; 最后, 女性游客的爱国主义对于旅游意向的影响作用显著高于男性游客。

首先, 本研究运用网络调研的方式进行便利抽样, 这一点有可能产生样本偏差, 甚至降低了样本的可信度, 未来研究可以根据各省人口数量采用配额抽样的方式进行抽样, 以期进一步提高数据的可信度; 其次, 更多的变量应当被引入研究, 以进一步探究中国游客选择国内游的原因。

首先, 本研究是为数不多的将爱国主义和中国传统性引入理性行为理论, 这一点进一步拓展了关于理性行为理论的研究范围, 也进一步加深了对于国内游原因的认识; 其次, 将爱国主义和中国传统性这一概念引入旅游领域, 进一步拓展了关于两者研究的边界; 最后, 在中国国内游的研究领域中, 将性别作为调节变量引入本研究一定程度上填补了在该领域研究中的不足。

La influencia de la moderación de género en la tradición China y el patriotismo en la intención de viajar dentro de China

Este research incorpora los conceptos a de la tradicionalidad China (TC) y el patriotismo (PAT) a la teoría de La Acción razonada (TAR), teniendo en cuenta el efecto moderador de género, con el objetivo de profundizar en la comprensión de porqué los turistas chinos eligen realizar viajes domésticos/nacionales.

A partir de los datos recolectados de 370 turistas chinos utilizando las muestras de cuestionarios realizados de manera on-line, éste estudio usa un modelado de ecuaciones estructurales para probar las hipótesis propuestas.

Los resultados demuestran que el PAT está positivamente relacionado con las actitudes del viajero y la intención de viaje nacional chino (IVNC).Es más, la tradicionalidad China (TC) influye en el Patriotismo (PAT), las actitudes del viajero chino (AVC) y también en las normas subjetivas (NS) directamente.Adicionalmente, la influencia del PAT en la intención de viaje del viajero doméstico chino, especialmente en mujeres, es significativamente mayor que en hombres.

Primero, el estudio adopta un muestreo de conveniencia y recopila cuestionarios on-line, lo que puede causar un sesgo en la muestra e incluso reducir la confiabilidad de los datos obtenidos.Los futuros estudios pueden adoptar un muestreo por cuotas basado en el número de población de cada una de las provincias de China, para obtener datos más relevantes.

Este estudio es uno de los primeros en incluir el PAT y el TC dentro de la TAR, que amplía la literatura sobre la TAR y proporciona una comprensión más completa de las actitudes del viajero chino.Segundo, el PAT y la TC están vinculados al TAR, el cuál expande la aplicación del PAT y la TC en el contexto del turismo en todas sus ramas.Por último, el rol moderador de género contribuye al conocimiento, sobre el efecto moderador entre sus respectivas relaciones.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between citizen participation and the level of trust in government’s decisions and policies; as well as examining the impact of disclosure of information on the level of citizens’ engagement with governments’ projects. In addition, testing the real motives behind Egyptian citizens’ participation in financing national projects. The study is applied to the “New Suez Canal,” which was finished in only one year opposing the three years implementation period suggested by some studies.

The researcher depended on secondary and primary data as well in working on this paper. She used secondary data gathered from scholars and from domestic and international institutions. Then, she conducted a field study and collected data through distributing 384 Likert Scale questionnaires containing 34 self-administered among respondents to test the following: 1. Citizens perceptions regarding the level of trust in government’s decisions and policies. 2. The impact of citizens’ trust on their willingness to participate in governments’ projects. 3. Is ‘public service motivation’ (PSM) behind citizens’ willingness of participating in national projects. 4. Is the ‘high expected profit of Suez Canal Investment Certificates’ behind citizens participation in national projects.

H1 and H2 have been accepted as trust, transparency and citizen participation proved to be important pillars of building a participatory government. Moreover, citizens’ participation in national projects encouraged national and international enterprises to invest in the canal provision. H3 and H4 are accepted and the statistical study revealed dual contradicting results regarding the motive of citizens’ financial participation in the New Suez Canal project. The justification for the contradiction is that right after the 2011 up-rise, Egyptian citizens were overwhelmed with patriot emotions and feelings pushing them to participate in national projects. At the same time this patriot drive was moderated by the “performance-based rewards and citizens” self-interests’ pushed by the Egyptian government (offering a high-interest rate for Suez Canal Certificates at that time). Citizens might be motivated to participate in national projects triggered by many factors: public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.

The study needs further deeper investigation and empirical pieces of evidence to answer the following questions: would different participatory actions result differently in other circumstances? Do individuals’ levels of PSM vary over time? Besides, the researcher needs to find ways to test PSM against various motives such as self-interest, which needs to be confirmed empirically.

The author came up with important recommendations for central government and decision-makers in Egypt and is based upon the study’s statistical results. The most important recommendations were: central government and decision-makers should frame a policy designed to promote citizens’ participation in decision-making drawing on the guidelines for civil participation in political decision-making. Decision-makers in the central government should work local and regional authorities to update and improve local and regional regulations concerning the participation of citizens in local public life and promote a culture of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. Performance-based rewards (high-interest rate) are moderating the citizens’ public service motivation (PSM – patriot sense) and citizens may be motivated by different factors such as public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.

The study is tackling an important issue, which is civil participation in political decision-making. It is also discussing promoting cultural awareness regarding the importance of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. The study came up with certain findings proving Egyptian civil society’s willingness in participating with the government in national projects; believing in its socio-economic benefits.

Finally, the study is of value, as it could be considered a pilot study representing the outcomes of citizen participation in national projects; in addition, it can be considered as a road map to policymakers. Moreover, the findings provide a set of recommendations and policies for governments and decision-makers to undertake tangible actions to accelerate citizen participation in further projects and decisions and be able to establish a democratic system in developing countries.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the recovery and resilience tourism strategies and possible future development of four main Chinese tourism cities.

The authors collected data from the official accounts of tourism administrations of these cities, tourist attractions and opinions from media and newspapers in Sina Weibo platform. The authors adopted an inductive approach in observing relevant social media posts and applied content analysis to identify main China’s tourism prevention and recovery strategies.

During the mass pandemic infection period, top-down prevention and control measures were implemented by the Chinese central and local governments, with feasible and regional recovery policies and protocols being adapted according to local situations. Measures related to tourism industrial re-employment, improvement of international images and governmental financial supports to re-boost local tourism in Chinese cities were paid great attention. Digitalization, close-to-nature and cultural heritages became important factors in the future development of China’s tourism. Dark tourism, as a potential tourism recovery strategy, also obtained huge emergence, for the memory of people deceased in the pandemic and for the inheritance of national patriotism.

This study enriches the current literature in urban tourism recovery studies analyzing the specific case of Chinese tourism cities and fulfill some voids of previous research mostly focused on the first wave of the pandemic and the recovery strategies mainly of Western cities. It also provides valuable suggestions to tourism practitioners, destinations and urban cities in dealing with regional tourism recession and finding possible solutions for the scenario associated to the COVID-19 and other similar health crisis.

The purpose of this paper was identification and empirical assessment of the differentiation of consumers' attitudes in Ukraine and Poland to Russian brands and other brands offered on the Russian market after Russia’s aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022.

The main research methods include a systematic literature review and the authors' own surveys conducted in November 2022. The research sample comprised 950 consumers – 67% of them were Poles, 30% – Ukrainians and 3% from other countries.

A respondents' country (Poland and Ukraine) does not impact attitudes to brands offered on the Russian market after Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Moreover, it does not affect and differentiate emotional engagement in the conflict and assistance to war victims. Cluster analysis resulted in identifying two groups on the basis of consumers' declared emotional reactions to the war. The first group was smaller (N = 353, 37.2%), referred to as “indifferent consumers”, and was characterized by a greater inclination to purchase brands offered in Russia. The other cluster, referred to as “sensitive consumers” (N = 597, 62.8%), comprises those engaged in offering assistance to war victims, showing strong emotions in connection with the aggression and military activities and characterized by a clearly negative attitude to Russian and other offered brands and an inclination to boycott these brands.

A short time horizon, the study confined to two countries, difficulties in reaching Ukrainian respondents due to power failures in Ukraine in the period of conducting the survey (November 2022), a non-representative research sample – overrepresentation of people aged 18–25 years.

The research study contributes to the knowledge about consumer brand attitudes and preferences under unique social, economic and market conditions. These conditions were created by Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, as well as the international and global character of the war in Ukraine. The significant implications of the study refer to brand communication policies and companies' CSR-related declarations. A number of consumers' errors were recorded, resulting from wrong brand retrieval, which were rectified at a later stage as a result of international restrictions imposed on Russia, harsh media criticism and social international embargoes imposed on brands offered in Russia. The marketing communication of contemporary global brands should give consideration to the informative function of CSR activities, and the communication process should be continuous. Critical attitudes and an inclination to boycott brands point to the possible consequences faced by inconsistent and ethically doubtful brand policies. This implication is clearly confirmed by the results of the study.

The authors also wish to highlight the implications for practice and society. As mentioned earlier, Polish consumers involved in providing aid to victims of the war also expressed their opposition to the war by boycotting Russian products and international brands remaining in Russia. Popularization of the research results obtained by the authors can be a form of sensitizing the public to the need for long-term relief, awakening global awareness of the essence and importance of sanctions imposed on Russia, as well as the possibility of expressing opposition through individual purchasing decisions and boycotting brands still present in Russia.

The study allowed for identifying consumers' differentiated brand attitudes in two countries: a country inflicted by war (Ukraine) and a front-line country, strongly supporting Ukraine (Poland). The research contributes to consumer behavior theories and studies of consumer attitudes and preferences from the perspective of international corporations' CSR activities under the unique conditions of war. Also, it contributes to the knowledge of the mechanism of forming attitudes to Russian and international brands offered in Russia among CEE consumers.

There is no doubt that the political speech of the Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad is of exceptional importance in understanding the developments of the war in Syria, and clarifies the position of all parties involved in the war, whether local, regional or international. Accordingly, and based on the dismantling of political discourse, the identification of its core, as well as its variables and major themes of this discourse, this study aims to understand the levels of complexity, paths and the fate of the war in Syria that certainly does not come free of charge, the hardest of which is the human cost whether for the victims or the displaced persons.

After a careful study of all the resilient factors in the literature review to categorize the primary data based on Assad’s discourses in the media, through a “qualitative research study” of his “interviews and discourses,” it is found that the Assad’s rhetoric is highly relevant to his tenacious presidency. The research reveals the themes that dominated Assad’s interview responses and speeches and his strategy of framing the revolution as a foreign insurgency against his government. In fact, Assad delegitimizes any semblance of the uprisings as a “pro-democracy movement” or “revolution,” denying the presence of a rebellion against his government.

By the analysis the study found out that Bashar Al-Assad continued to focus on certain reasons and issues that led to the crisis and the continuation of the war, such as the Muslim Brotherhood’s involvement, considering the Syrian opposition abroad as agents of Western countries, Syria is subject to a regional and international conspiracy, terrorism is a major scourge that must be fought and that the army is essential in resolving the battles taking place there. Likewise, emphasizing the internal dialogue with all stakeholders and involved parties is the way to solve the crisis.The Syrian President’s speeches do not focus much on the accusations against his regime from the opposition or the international parties involved in the conflict.

Assad’s resiliency has made him a distinct leader in the region. This paper analyzes the factors contributing to Assad’s resiliency. The literature review consists of the existing theories on authoritarian persistence and Assad’s power base in particular. The literature review discusses the factors that helped Assad adopts his resiliency strategies to the conflict environment. The research focuses on how Assad used the media as a platform for displaying his own manipulative narrative of the conflict. It concludes that Assad’s use of the media as his propaganda tool legitimized his rule, making it highly relevant to his persistence.