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Political parties and marketers have for centuries employed visuals as effective means of conveying their messages. Yet surprisingly, little has been written on the evident interplay between the visual rhetoric of political campaigns and destination image. Influenced by Foucault’s notion of subjectivity and drawing on critical discourse analysis, this chapter analyzes the visual rhetoric of the radical right-wing Swiss People’s Party campaign posters in order to explore the relationship between political rhetoric and destination image. It is concluded that while this image of Switzerland may be negatively influenced by the rhetoric of the party, the reflex of the state may inadvertently perpetuate cultural fundamentalism and exclusion.

Entrepreneurial firms such as professional service firms (PSFs) face constant challenges to acquire resources, one of the greatest of which is the challenge to win client engagements. Although rhetoric is at the center of the challenge to win client engagements, scholars have not identified what rhetorical strategies are the most persuasive to potential clients. By exploring one type of PSF, architecture firms, we argue that PSFs can compete for and legitimate themselves with clients by deploying institutional logics that provide symbolic frameworks and meaning. Since multiple institutional logics exist in society, a critical question for a PSF is which logic is most persuasive to clients. We analyze architecture firms’ written pitches to predict which rhetoric strategies win the valuable resource of a client engagement for a multiclient state project. Our results identify that rhetoric deploying a “profession” logic was most effective whereas a “business” logic was counter-productive in obtaining client engagements and securing resources for the firm.

We live in very adversarial political times. Tribalism and hateful rhetoric abound. This chapter argues that this state of affairs was an inevitable consequence of political cable television. I blame Ted Turner and CNN. Once Ted showed the world that news could be a profit center, competition, differentiation, and partisan one-sided coverage in broadcasting were inevitable. Product differentiation of cable news stations coupled with confirmation biases that lead viewers to watch networks on which the broadcasters reinforce their political views polarizes public opinion. The chapter concludes with suggestions for climbing out of the downward spiral.

Poland has traditionally been perceived as a net emigration country. The scale of the recent inflow of foreigners to the country, however, places Poland among those states of growing attractiveness to migrants. Therefore, the main aim of this chapter is to present the Polish model of integration policy and describe the development of Poland's migration and integration policy at the national level. As the local perspective on migration and integration has become increasingly important, local policies are also presented through the example of several of the largest Polish cities. Additionally, the role of public discourse in shaping Polish society's attitude towards migrants is discussed. Finally, some aspects of economic migrants' integration are described.

Poland still lacks a long-term and comprehensive migration and integration policy that covers all areas of integration, and all categories of immigrants and so far only once, for a short period, has adopted migration policy at a national level. There is also little coordination among the different governmental bodies that deal with this issue. Therefore, only some of the crucial elements of integration policy at a national level, like the liberalization of the labour market, have occurred successfully. It seems that local policies, especially in large cities, have addressed more precisely various issues faced by immigrants, not only related to employment, and could foster the process of integration.

In the past decade, globalization has moved from the agendas of international trade negotiations and specialized academic conferences to mass-based politics and the campaigns of activists and politicians across the ideological spectrum, in both advanced industrialized and developing countries. The most highly publicized responses to globalization articulated recently by European actors have assumed negative overtones, ranging from wary to hostile, with the French rejection of the constitutional treaty of the European Union (EU) in May 2005 marking the nadir of this sentiment. French political elites now jostle to carve out political space – and electoral opportunities – on the terrain of globalization, with many describing direct threats posed by global capital to the French social model and employment practices. Indeed, the perceived threat of globalization is reframing the traditional cleavages of French politics, generating new forms of intellectual cohabitation: former Socialist Prime Minister Lionel Jospin has decried a “new caste” of media, finance and capital that embraces globalization to the detriment of French workers; Interior Minister Dominique de Villepin of the center-right UMP has similarly called for an “economic patriotism” that can reinvigorate the French economy and protect against the capriciousness of multinational capital (Dombey & Thornhill, 2005).

Despite its somewhat old-fashioned, functionalist air, “integration” is still the most popular way of conceptualizing the developing relationship between old European nation-states and their growing non-European, “ethnic” immigrant populations. It is also widely used to frame the advocacy of political means for dealing with the consequences of immigration in the post-World War II period. Many similar, difficult-to-define concepts can be used to describe the process of social change that occurs when immigrants are “integrated” into their new host society. But none occurs with the frequency or all-encompassing scope of the idea of integration across such a broad range of West European countries. This fact continues to decisively structure policy research and policy debate on these subjects in Europe.