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This paper advances the argument that misappropriation of public funds should be construed as illicit financial flows (IFFs) which, undoubtedly, have an adverse effect on the realisation of the right to development. Furthermore, by detailing the nature of IFFs, this paper aims to demystify the shallow understanding of what is IFF or what are IFFs and why misappropriation of public funds should be seen in that light.

This paper examines and interrogates the different judgements that have been delivered in cases tried and finalised by the special criminal court (SCC). With viewpoints that are backed by a theoretical understanding of Cameroonian criminal law in particular and criminal law in general, an analysis of the underlying intentions, motives and trajectories in the commission of misappropriation of public funds corroborate the view that the offence must be construed as IFFs. The data used in this paper are primary.

A few pertinent findings were made in the course of this research. Firstly, the offence of misappropriation of public funds and IFFs are not distinct, and any effort to limit the use of “funds” to finances will ultimately miss the point as property with financial value will definitely amount to funds. Secondly, through misappropriation of public funds/property, IFFs have been committed based on the trends and figures disclosed in the judgements of the SCC. Finally, the right to development requires resources and by stealing public funds, resources are deprived, thereby compromising the realisation of development and the right to development.

This paper examines the impact of IFFs on the right to development within the context of Cameroon. By diagnosing the definition of the crime of misappropriation of public property or funds, the paper argues that such an offence must be seen as IFFs given its nature, the motive and intention underlying its perpetration. By taking such perspectives, this paper not only adds to the literature thereon but further brings in new perspectives on those aspects of Cameroonian criminal law.

Over a decade since the Special Criminal Court (SCC) was established in Cameroon, hundreds of individuals have been indicted, tried and convicted. Sentences have been imposed, most of which include a term of imprisonment (principal punishment/penalty) and confiscation as accessory penalty or punishment. Research focus has not been directed at the sentences which, as argued in this paper, are inconsistent, incommensurate with the amounts of money stolen and a significant departure from the Penal Code. This paper aims to explore the aspect of sentencing by the SCC.

To identify, highlight and discuss the issue of sentencing, the paper looks at a blend of primary and secondary materials: primary materials here include but not limited to the judgements of the SCC and other courts in Cameroon and the Penal Code. Secondary materials shall include the works of scholars in the fields of criminal law, criminal justice and penal reform.

A few findings were made: first, the judges are inconsistent in the manner in which they determine the appropriate sentence. Second, in making that determination, the judges would have been oblivious to the prescripts in the Penal Code, which provides the term of imprisonment, and in the event of a mitigating circumstance, the prescribed minimum to be applied. Yet, the default imposition of an aggravating circumstance (being a civil servant) was not explored by the SCC. Finally, whether the sentences imposed are commensurate with the amounts of monies stolen.

This research unravels key insights into the functioning of the SCC. It advances the knowledge thereon and adds to the literature on corruption in Cameroon.

The prosecution and judges at the SCC should deepen their knowledge of Cameroonian criminal law, especially on the nature of liberty given to judges to determine within the prescribed range of the sentence to be imposed but also consider the existence of an aggravating factor – civil servant. They must also consider whether the sentences imposed befit the crime for which they are convicted.

The paper is an original contribution with new insights on the manner in which sentencing should be approached by the SCC.

The authors aim to look at the conditions under which central bank easing – and specifically the purchase of private sector securities – can/should contribute to growth, rather than fiscal policy and also ask when can the central bank’s purchase of private sector securities help supplant traditional monetary policy.

After surveying the existing literature, the authors use simple correlation of central bank private asset (stocks, bonds, etc.), interest rates, gross domestic product (GDP) growth, inflation and the extent of the functioning of domestic banking sectors (among others) to classify countries in which these purchases promote pro-growth investment.

Under the typical conditions for unconventional monetary policy, central bank purchases of private companies’ securities can promote growth in some places (like Bulgaria, the Ukraine, Georgia and Greece at the time of our writing) while hurting it in others (like in parts of Latin America and Africa in the mid-2010s). The authors find how such purchases effectively “bypass” dysfunctional banking systems and central/government local bodies fiscal spending, making the central bank the “funder of last resort” in many middle and lower income countries.

This paper tells specific central banks to ramp up – or reduce – their purchases of private sector securities. The authors identify exact jurisdictions where such “helicopter money” has led to investment in the past economic growth.

All previous work on conventional and unconventional monetary policy has looked at the way monetary policy affects investment and growth through the banking system and holding companies’ reactions constant. The authors do the opposite – looking at how companies respond, holding banking system responses constant. No one has ever looked at these private purchases (taken from a special IMF database), much less tried to argue that central banks can sometimes target investment growth much better than fiscal policy. No one has ever considered them as a funder (rather than lender) of last resort.

This paper is a critique of Western modernity and the problems and promises of postmodernism in (re)liberating disaster studies. It criticizes metanarratives and grand theories of Western discourses to advance postmodern discourses in disaster studies.

This paper outlines a conceptual domain through which approaches of postmodernism can be employed to (re)liberate disaster studies.

Metanarratives and grand theories frame the scope and focus of disaster studies. But the increasing number and the aggravated impacts of disasters and environmental challenges in the late 20th and early 21st centuries are proofs that our current “frames” do not capture the complexities of disasters. Postmodernism, in its diversity and various meanings, offers critical and complementary perspectives and approaches to capture the previously neglected dimensions of disasters.

Postmodernism offers ways forward to (re)liberate disaster studies through ontological pluralism, epistemological diversity and hybridity of knowledge.

The agenda of postmodernism in disaster studies is proposed in terms of the focus of inquiry, ontological and epistemological positionalities, research paradigm, methodologies and societal goals.

This study aims to reveal the potential dark side of servant leadership by exploring its differential impact on followers with varying degrees of Machiavellianism and to uncover the role of leader negative feedback as an intervention mechanism in attenuating this negative impact.

A three-wave survey with one-month intervals was conducted with 344 participants from different industries.

The results suggest that servant leadership triggered psychological entitlement among followers with high Machiavellianism, leading to organizational and interpersonal deviance, but only when negative feedback from the leader was weak.

When leaders implement servant leadership, they should beware of breeding psychological entitlement among highly Machiavellian followers, as this can activate their deviant behavior, and should make full use of negative feedback as an intervention mechanism.

This study is one of the first to use the self-evaluation perspective to examine the negative impact of servant leadership on follower behavior via attitude and to explore boundary conditions to overcome this effect.

This study aims to investigate the factors that influence asset misappropriation fraud among police officers in the Internal Security and Public Order (Malay: Keselamatan Dalam Negeri dan Ketenteraman Awam [KDNKA]) Department, Royal Malaysian Police (RMP).

Primary data were collected from a questionnaire-based survey and the data were analysed using descriptive analysis, correlation analysis and multiregression.

The element of pressure was found to have a negative relationship with asset misappropriation fraud. This result shows the uniqueness of the KDNKA Department in the RMP. The other three elements are found to have a significant positive relationship with asset misappropriation fraud.

This study’s findings can aid academicians in gaining a better understanding of the literature surrounding fraud diamond theory and aid the policymakers in recognizing the signs and possibilities of asset misappropriation fraud in public agencies.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study that uses the KDNKA Department which is the second largest department in RMP as a population in fraud study.

This study aims to examine the roles of organisational control, structure, culture and technology in preventing occupational fraud. This study is essential in the current time. It brings a significant impact on both theory and practice. In the existing studies, there is a lack of clarity on a specific mechanism to prevent organisational fraud. The problem is that they tend to generalise the types of organisational fraud. Conceptually, organisational fraud may include corruption, double funding, asset misappropriation, bribery or falsification of documents. However, many scholars tend to neglect such diversities. Consequently, many occupational fraud cases become unstoppable, particularly corruption. To deal with this topical issue, the current study applies the term “occupational fraud” cited by the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners, consisting of corruption, asset misappropriation and fraudulent financial statement.

This study surveyed three Indonesian Local Governments. This study focussed on management levels that have strong power for coordinating governmental activities. The author chose these local governments because their local leaders (the regents) were jailed due to corruption scandals. As expected, this study gives us different perceptions of how fraud mitigation should be designed in the organisation.

The results suggest that corruption is a little bit complex than other types of occupational fraud. It is improbable to be prevented through technological and administrative approaches. As such, organisations need to think of extra efforts that could perfectly tailor the organisational control and organisational culture, organisational structure and technological advancement. The benefit of this effort is related to diagnosing the fit or misfit of organisation designs in addressing the dynamic dimensions of corporate governance. Then, it can also strengthen the efficacy of preventive measures to deal with occupational fraud.

This study provides a provocative discussion regarding the public perception of occupational fraud, consisting of corruption, asset misappropriation and financial statement fraud. And this study also offers a new refined conceptual analysis of how to deal with such types of occupational fraud by incorporating contingency theory and the Committee of Sponsoring Organizations of the Treadway Commission (COSO’s) internal control components.

This paper aims to examine the effects of political connections (PCs) on corporate financial performance (CFP) in an emerging economy. It also investigates the moderating influence of the directors’ financial expertise (DFE) on the relationship between politically connected firms and their financial performance.

The study sample includes 304 firm-year observations from non-financial Tunisian listed firms covered over 2012–2019. Financial data are from various sources: financial statements, annual reports, official bulletins of the Tunisian Stock Exchange (TSE) and the Financial Market Council. PCs and DFE data are manually collected from the TSE and companies’ websites. Multivariate regression analyses are used to test the research hypotheses.

The results show that PCs negatively affect CFP and the DFE is a moderator variable that exacerbates this negative relationship. These results could be explained on the one hand by the fact that politicians often lack management, professionalism and know-how. On the other hand, political members on boards focus mainly on their political agendas and prioritize their interests rather than firm performance. Furthermore, board directors are more inclined towards the grabbing-hand approach to create personal linkages with these politicians and take personal benefits rather than protect the interests of minority shareholders and effectively use firm resources.

The most important limitation of the study is the small number of non-financial TSE-listed firms. Indeed, the small sample size prevents us from considering industry specificities and working in a homogeneous environment.

This study recommends that external investors pay particular attention to politically connected firms as PCs tend to weaken corporate governance. Also, it helps policymakers better assess the need to harmonize and develop corporate governance standards and practices that account for the specific conditions in Tunisia to mitigate the lobbying of political parties and supervise their abuse of power. Furthermore, the negative relationship between PCs and CFP in a poorly regulated and governed country could be used by financial institutions in their credit scoring.

The findings suggest that the nexus between politics and business draws attention to corruption post-revolution.

The originality and the relevance of this study consist in studying the moderating effect of the DFE on the association between PCs and CFP. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study pioneers assessing the role of the DFE as a moderating variable. It also supplements prior literature by examining the combined factors, such as PCs and DFE, on CFP in an emerging market.