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To the Most Rev. M.A. Corrigan, Archbishop of New York:

The position of these Irish agitators is illogical and untenable; the remedy they propose is no remedy at all – nevertheless they are talking about the tenure of land and the right to land; and thus a question of worldwide importance is coming to the front.³

Land bank distribution in India is a complex subject and with the family size reduction, the average land holding is going down. Maintenance of the land records in physical format is very difficult. There are thousands of court disputes for different land parcels and managing the same is becoming a complex task. The aim of the chapter is to design a conceptual framework with electronic landbank records in dematerialized form, so that they can be easily maintained and traded. Associated benefits of implementing such system are also discussed. Authors have used secondary data published in previous research work in the area of Geographical Information System (GIS) and business analytics to analyze the prospects of land bank dematerialization and its possible applications. The chapter focuses on the need of regulatory support and associated IT infrastructure to put the plan in action. If implemented, this change can help India to transform its land management process and will also enable to explore commercial utilization of agricultural land and urban land plots for planned development.

The 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami had a deep and long-term impact on communities along Thailand’s Andaman Coast. In this chapter, the authors examine how three communities of indigenous, formerly seafaring people (chao leh) have been affected by post-tsunami tourism developments. Taking Devine and Ojeda’s (2017) concept of ‘violent tourism geographies’ as a theoretical lens, the authors analyse various practices of dispossession, including enclosure, extraction, erasure, commodification, destructive creation and neo-colonialism. The findings of this chapter suggest that all three communities found themselves subjected to radical transformations of their socioeconomic and cultural environment, yet in distinctive ways and with varying degrees of agency.

In Senegal, the government has encouraged private investment in agriculture and biofuel production since the 2000s, generating several attempted or effective large-scale land acquisitions by domestic and international investors. In reaction to these projects, local groups of opponents have joined forces with national peasant organizations, civil society associations, and think tanks to resist perceived land grabs. This article examines the emergence of this social movement and explains why anti-land grabs campaigns were successful in halting some projects, but not successful in others. I argue that four main factors are at play: a strong mobilization of local populations measured by group cohesion and level of determination; the assistance of national and international NGOs in scaling up protests beyond the local level; the capacity of opponents to harness the support of influential elites and decision-makers; and the legal status of the land under contention. This paper draws on an analysis of secondary data, qualitative interviews, and field observations carried out in Senegal for several months from 2013 to 2018.