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Mainstream economics views the workplace from the perspective of property rights, maximum efficiency, and profit maximization. Economic resources, including human beings, are represented as instrumentalities. Social economics affirms the problem of unmet human material need and the inadequacy of the “invisible hand” solution but does not provide a single paradigm as to how the workplace is reconstructed to meet that need. The key to workplace reconstruction is to shift attention from property rights and personal rights to human material need by recognizing that rights derive from need and that rights are means to the end of meeting need. Describes the seven workplace regimes in which human material need is more salient than property rights, personal rights or organizational types such as sole proprietorship or corporation, and the characteristics of the industrial commons, drawing on Ronald Oakerson′s framework for analysing the natural resource commons.

Collective industrial relations are crumbling. Alternatives include employee involvement and authoritarian forms of workplace governance. Uses evidence from the third workplace industrial relations survey to analyse associations between these different types of governance and workplace performance.

While remaining in the public sector, the British Post Office has undergone massive changes in terms of its general orientation and structure over the last decade, with major implications for workplace management‐labour relations and shopfloor trade union organization. The most recent phase of restructuring within the core Royal Mail section of the Post Office has been accompanied by an assertive managerial strategy aimed at tackling the strong workplace union levels of control and autonomy that have developed in many city‐based sorting offices. Provides evidence from empirical case study research into one of the largest and most union‐militant Royal Mail sorting offices in the country based in central Liverpool. After outlining the strengths and weaknesses of workplace unionism during the mid‐1980s to the late 1980s, focuses on how the Liverpool UCW leadership have attempted to respond to Royal Mail′s 1992 restructuring initiative and HRM practices. Suggests that, notwithstanding new and complex dilemmas, workplace unionism within the Royal Mail remains relatively resilient.

Using data from the 2013 European Company Survey, this chapter operationalizes the representation gap as the desire for greater employee involvement in decision-making expressed by the representative of the leading employee representative body at the workplace. According to this measure, there is evidence of a substantial shortfall in employee involvement in the European Union, not dissimilar to that reported for the United States. The chapter proceeds to investigate how the size of this representation gap varies by type of representative structure, information provided by management, the resource base available to the representatives, and the status of trust between the parties. Perceived deficits are found to be smaller where workplace representation is via works councils rather than union bodies. Furthermore, the desire for greater involvement is reduced where information provided the employee representative on a range of establishment issues is judged satisfactory. A higher frequency of meetings with management also appears to mitigate the expressed desire for greater involvement. Each of these results is robust to estimation over different country clusters. However, unlike the other arguments, the conclusion that shortfalls in employee involvement representation are smaller under works councils than union bodies is nullified where trust in management is lacking.

The labor regulatory framework in India provides a conducive environment for social dialogue and collective participation in the organizational decision-making process (Venkata Ratnam, 2009). Using data from a survey of workplace union representatives in the federal state of Maharashtra, India, this paper examines union experiences of social dialogue and collective participation in public services, private manufacturing, and private services sector. Findings indicate that collective worker participation and voice is at best modest in the public services but weak in the private manufacturing and private services. There is evidence of growing employer hostility to unions and employer refusal to engage in a meaningful social dialogue with unions. These findings are discussed within the political economy framework of employment relations in India examining the role of the state and judiciary in employment relations and, the links between political parties and trade unions in India.

This paper seeks to examine the impact of labor‐management partnership on organizational performance and industrial relations quality at Korean firms.

Data were collected from 139 firms for organizational‐level research. Hierarchical regression analyses were employed.

The research showed that the partnership principle and the five practices of management efforts to secure jobs, information sharing, fair financial rewards, investment in employee training, and worker participation in management were significantly and positively associated with the quality of industrial relations. The partnership principle and two of these practices (investment in training and fair financial rewards) had significant and positive effects on organizational performance.

The results suggest that the partnership principle on its own does not necessarily lead to improved organizational performance or industrial relations quality, and that a company needs not only to adopt the principle of partnership but also to implement it effectively through specific practices.

The paper examines the impact of the partnership model in Korean contexts and offers practical implications for managers seeking effective implementation of the labor‐management partnership model.

In all forms of workplaces, especially in the English‐speaking world, administrators have been exhorted to introduce what are perceived to be the “best practices” operating in the more successful economies. The education “industry” in Australia appears to be no different in this regard from other industries, and the “best practices” appear to originate from Japan. Japanese management practices are promulgated as having abandoned the old methods of scientific management, offering new ways of managing workplaces in general, and schools in particular. Seeks to examine this proposition critically through an examination of two proposals which have been advanced as bringing “best practices” into the administration of schools. The two areas which have been given currency recently are the introduction of salary packages for teachers and the formation of work in schools. Concludes that these seeming innovations may not differ markedly from the principles advocated earlier this century by the proponents of scientific management. Nevertheless, they may still provide some means towards more democratic administrative practices.

The purpose of this article is to assess the ability of formal equal employment opportunity (EEO) programmes and workplace agreement making to facilitate work and family balance for women workers in Australia.

This article uses documentary analysis and semi‐structured interviews in six Australian organisations that are required to develop formal EEO programmes.

Formal EEO programmes and agreement making are limited in their ability to promote work and family‐friendly arrangements at the workplace. Informal arrangements and managerial discretion are important in realising work and care balance.

The paper is Australian based, and the case studies were confined to six organisations, which restricts the findings.

Leave and work arrangements need to be required within agreements and EEO programmes. Most programmes gravitate towards minimum requirements, hence, it is important to ensure that these minimum requirements provide for work and care reconciliation. Programmes beyond the workplace, such as funded childcare, are important in this context.

The article highlights that formal mechanisms cannot achieve work and care reconciliation for women workers if they are built upon very limited minimum requirements, are voluntary and are dependent upon a bargaining process at the workplace.

Argues that organizational rules have developed over time to serve the needs of both workers and managers. Unfortunately, it is being found that rules are double‐edged; they restrict both the rule maker and the potential rule breaker. It is clear that many existing workplace rules do not serve the needs of anyone involved. Discusses several reasons why rules are difficult to change and suggests ways in which to facilitate changes in workplace rules. Concludes that, in order for rules governing existing workplace practices to change, all the relevant stakeholders must expect to gain from their revision.

The purpose of this paper is to consider existing debates within the sociology of work, particularly the re-emergence of labour process theory (LPT) and the “collective worker”, in relation to resistance at work. Through presentation of primary data and a dialectical discussion about the nature of ideology, the paper offers alternative interpretations on long-standing debates and raises questions about the efficacy of workplace resistance.

The design of this methodology is an ethnographic study of a call centre in the North-East of England, a covert participant observation at “Call Direct” supplemented by semi-structured interviews with call centre employees.

The findings in this paper suggest that resistance in the call centre mirrors forms of resistance outlined elsewhere in both the call centre literature and classical workplace studies from the industrial era. However, in presenting an alternative interpretation of ideology, as working at the level of action rather than thought, the paper reinterprets the data and characterises workplace resistance as lacking the political potential for change often emphasised in LPT and other workplace studies.

The original contribution of this paper is in applying an alternative interpretation of ideology to a long-standing debate. In asking sociology of work scholars to consider the “reversal of ideology”, it presents an alternative perspective on resistance in the workplace and raises questions about the efficacy of workplace disobedience.