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Purpose – This paper explores how the interactive dynamics of peer education models within independent youth media outlets facilitate and impede youth engagement in media activism and social change work, more broadly defined.Design/methodological approach – Ethnographic and participatory action research methods are used with the youth media hub, Youth Media Action (YMA), to examine the possibilities and challenges that peer media educators confront in cultivating a noncommercial space for the collective production of oppositional media. YMA specifically seeks to involve youth from marginalized communities.Findings – The results suggest that peer-to-peer education models do act as vehicles for political engagement as youth experience shared ownership, cultivate solidarity, and acquire community organizing skills through the collective production of oppositional media. At the same time, challenges can surface when peer educators juggle multiple roles and participating community youth groups espouse differing organizational values and pedagogical sensibilities.Research limitations/implications – This study offers a potential pathway for further research on how peer education and collective media making models influence youth citizenship and social change work.Originality/value – The focus on the organizational and social dynamics of peer education models is useful in understanding youth citizenship and digital access as a collective experience for youth living in disenfranchised communities that seek out these spaces for not only media making but also community building.

As demand for access to colleges and universities prompts higher education systems for creative and efficient solutions, we examine technology-centric approaches to education delivery and their implications for policy, student outcomes, and resource allocation. Our work is framed by Kingdon’s adapted multiple streams theory of national policymaking. However, the real elephant in the room may be the skyrocketing costs of administration that may need wrangling before resources can be directed to the future potential savings obtained through developing infrastructure for, and delivery of, tech-centric teaching approaches. We provide examples and strategies, policy implications, and recommendations for research and practice.

To critically assess the contribution of community-based logging, low-carbon emission non-timber activities, and direct payment for environmental services in building sustainable rural livelihoods in the Amazon.

Fieldwork undertaken in 2008, 2010, and 2013 on sources of income for 110 interviewed families living in and around three different types of conservation units located on the advancing frontier in western Pará State.

Three scenarios identified with very different socio-environmental outcomes, (1) the multi-functional combination of agricultural and non-agricultural activities replaces frontier farming, reduces deforestation and carbon emissions, increases income, and promotes social inclusion, (2) the mere juxtaposition of green alternative activities alongside unsustainable frontier farming has limited regional impact, and (3) environmental restrictions interfere with rural livelihoods to the point that people to leave the countryside.

Evaluation of the effectiveness of GO and NGO policies in one of the poorest and environmentally problematic regions of Brazil.

First-hand information at the family farmer level concerning sources of income from conventional and green land use systems which is essential for formulating viable socio-environmental policy capable of reducing deforestation and carbon emissions which negatively impact global climate change.

This chapter is dedicated to understanding the idea of international as a key notion to the development of globalisation and to promoting the rescaling of spaces and subjects in contemporary higher education. The author discusses the concept of scale as a performative device that activates the capacities of bodies. Instead of seeing scale as a naturalised and hierarchical structure of spatial distribution, the author understands it as an ensemble of discourses and practices that produce scalar effects. Globalisation uses scale to promote the idea that subjects would become ‘international’ by being linked to privileged spaces and bodies in the Global North. In this sense, globalisation is not merely about nodes where certain flows converge. Rather, the author understands it as the political conditions that control and constrain the space for certain flows to occur and not others. Using assemblage analysis, the author presents and analyses three scenes taken from his ethnographic records that have as a guiding line the materialisation of the international. These scenes report the experience of being a Latin American doctoral student attending a congress in the United States, a tense situation experienced at a Chilean university academic event, and the unpretentious manifestation of an elaborate idea of internationality from a personal experience of a trip to India. The results point to three elaborations of the international: an optimistic view of a shared world, a geopolitical internationality and the production of a global corporeality.

Although the American monetary authorities seemed determined to carry out the normalisation of their policy, the severe downturn of the stock markets at the end of 2018 and the injunctions of Donald Trump led them to a complete about-face, concretised by reductions in the key rate starting at the end of July 2019. This surrender in front of market blackmail confirms that the unconventional monetary policies implemented after the 2008 crisis have plunged the asset-based economy into a black hole, from which it will not be able to escape without deeply reforming itself.

The interbank market in China experienced remarkable squeezes in liquidity in 2013. In particular, the overnight Shanghai Interbank Offered Rate reached a historical high in June. Banks were unprepared, facing the occurrence of various liquidity demands simultaneously. Effects of the liquidity squeeze spread across markets, and concerns were expressed about the health of the banking sector in the world’s second largest economy. Yet the central bank of China maintained an unswerving view that the tightness of liquidity was only structural, and could be overcome by the commercial banks themselves. While it may be too early to judge whether the central bank was correct, or whether there is systematic liquidity risk in the banking sector, markets received a clear signal from the People’s Bank of China. The central bank stopped acting as a ‘perpetual put option’ for commercial banks and refused to take responsibility to satisfy liquidity needs in the interbank market. Its intention is clear; that is, to adjust monetary policy and support economic reform in China. The new Chinese government seems determined to steer a new course away from the previous growth episode. Its resolution has been published and actions have been taken. Among them, the central bank’s changes to monetary policy have received responses from the markets, and the People’s Bank of China is now in the vanguard of a battle to squeeze liquidity. It is difficult to predict what further actions the government will take. However, it should be aware that the driving force of economic reform in China comes from structural change and productivity improvement. Without follow-up policies, complication in the financial system could undermine the central bank’s effort and international capital flows may quickly substitute the opening position of the central bank in the interbank market. More wisdom is required if China is to win the battle for deleveraging and structural reform.

In 2015, the Supreme Court of India directed the Government of India to confer the citizenship right to the Chakma refugees, who settled in North-Eastern States in India. Arunachal Pradesh, the former North Eastern Frontier Agency, holds a large number of Chakma refugees who had migrated to India from the erstwhile East Pakistan during the late 1960s. The present benevolent approach of the Government of India towards this ethno-refugee community is having domestic as well as external implication in the backdrop of rampant deportation of refugees from its neighbouring state, Bangladesh. Mere citizenship right may result in the administrative integration of the Chakmas but could not resolve their crises as alien versus indigenous debate intensifies the refugee crises today. Over the decades, political alienation of the Chakma refugees extended their sense of deprivation and marginalization. A separate perspective is required to assess the Chakmas’ claim that they are after all not alien to India since their ancestral land Chittagong Hill Tracts were under Indian territory and they have had a deep allegiance to this territory because of India's accommodative pluralistic outlook and multi-ethnic characters. Permanent means of livelihood, legal rights over land holding and bridging social capital would help ethnic integration, not merely ‘limited’ citizenship right. This study from ethno-political perspective would assess the crises of the Chakma refugees in Arunachal Pradesh in India.