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The changes in strategic planning processes currently under study and installation by industry leaders are testimony to the dissatisfaction of corporate management with the processes used during the late '60s and early '70s. Frequently, these processes turned managers into efficient caretakers, unable to adapt to the constantly changing business environment. Part of the problem was the approaches were based on extrapolations of a business environment of relative plenty, one in which crises were operational rather than strategic. There had been little thought given to developing the means to deal with planning for shortages, for instance, or other important threats to the company's long‐term strategies.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and discuss current challenges for citizenship education in England.

This paper provides a relatively brief overview of the reasons for the introduction of citizenship education into the National Curriculum. Then, it describes the different versions (in 2002, 2008 and 2014) of the National Curriculum for citizenship. Finally, this paper draws attention to the issues that explain the reasons for the radical change in status and nature of citizenship education evidenced by the 2014 version of the subject.

Following the period 1998-2010 in which citizenship education became research informed and professionally developed, policy makers now since 2014 seem to be involved in the development of citizenship education in the National Curriculum in the form of promoting knowledge about civics, willingness to volunteer and a commitment to manage responsibly personal finances. In 2014 policy makers have confirmed the place of citizenship education in the National Curriculum but its nature, the relative lack of attention devoted to it and the growing official commitment to character education which emphasises personal morality rather than citizenship education suggests that it has lost a lot of ground. This paper argues that there are parallels between what we felt had happened at earlier points, principally, the early 1990s, when political education had been rejected in favour of a particular form of citizenship education (i.e. volunteering); and the situation in 2014 when volunteering and character education are now officially preferred.

This paper argues for a need to address key current challenges in citizenship education in the context of earlier development.

Examines the role of television in domestic and foreign affairs, discussing the way it has changed from being a passive observer of events to being a significant player in international affairs. Discusses new developments in media and their consequences to both politicians and the public. Explains the flawed nature of media reporting in that it evokes strong, often uniformed reactions to events by making news converage “exciting” rather than in depth and informative. This has influenced governments and the military to invest heavily in public affairs activity to help shape public perception via the media. Concludes that this can be dangerous as live television bypasses the editors and journalists, meaning broadcasts can become an extension of public diplomacy and even propaganda.

In this paper, the author traces the historical evolution of the use of methods by the police and the executive to undermine the protective effects of the right to silence. He argues that the introduction of greater protections for accused persons in the provisions of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 has resulted in an increase in costs of the administration of summary jurisdiction with the commensurate reduction in the numbers of persons being convicted. Hence political initiatives are being undertaken to find an effective way to remove the effects of the right to silence, contained in these protections. He examines the effects of the so‐called s. 2 powers to compel answers to questions, possessed by the Serious Fraud Office (SFO). The paper ends by examining the proposals in the recent Report of the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice and argues that the recommendation to extend the exercise of s. 2 powers to the police is merely another step towards the introduction of an increasingly authoritarian regime of criminal justice.

No One Knows is a major initiative by the UK Prison Reform Trust which highlights the plight and predicament of prisoners with learning disabilities and of those with less severe degrees of learning difficulties. This major initiative has been sponsored by the Diana, Princess of Wales Memorial Fund and has yielded a number of pivotal recommendations which are already being explored actively by the Department of Health (England) and the Prison Health Service.