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This article uses the case of paid domestic work in Los Angeles to argue that affluent and middle‐class members of U.S. society constitute important participants in the informal economy. In‐depth, tape‐recorded interviews conducted with thirty‐five employers of nannies and house cleaners, and survey responses of 154 Latina house cleaners and nannies shows that compliance with government regulations, as indicated by payment of Social Security, Medicare and federal tax withholdings, are rare. Affluent citizens may not directly depend on informally generated income, but as employers of paid domestic workers and nannies, they do depend on informally organized and remunerated services. Employers of paid domestic workers rely on three major narrative strategies to distance themselves from the regulations, arguing that the standards should be followed by certain categories of people (attorneys, celebrities, the very wealthy), that the regulations apply only to those employing full‐time help, and that the regulations are illegitimate because both undocumented workers and the state lack legitimacy. These rationalizations allow them to simultaneously condemn Zoe Baird and yet follow the same practices. Upgrading the occupation requires state support and the education of employers. This process would lead to greater recognition of paid domestic work as an occupation, one that merits the protections and regulatory guidelines governing other jobs.

Household chores are one of the most essential aspects of each individual's daily routine. The author has observed people from middle and upper socioeconomic backgrounds, outsourcing women domestic workers to perform these household tasks. Even though these women domestic workers make up a significant portion of the total working class, they remain a socially and financially vulnerable section of society. The job of working in other people's private spaces comes with little or no regulation, social protection and no guarantee of decent work standards. The major aim of this study is to find out the social wellbeing of part-time domestic workers of Pune.

For this purpose, the researchers have interviewed 167 women working in the Pune region of Maharashtra, India from the period of October 2020 to January 2021. Descriptive methods and factor analysis have been used to analyze the collected data, so that socioeconomic wellbeing correlated with the significant factors explored. Further, the factors identified that Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFAs) are further validated through reliability analysis (Cronbach’s alpha for economic wellbeing and social wellbeing index for social wellbeing).

With the help of this study, researchers have tried to explore the significant factors to the social and economic wellbeing of domestic workers. The qualitative facts collected during the interview time have substantiated the findings got in EFA.

The paper aims to provide ground-level insights to policymakers focusing on the domestic work sector, and the gaps identified in the research will help the policymakers to frame the guidelines for the betterment of these informal domestic workers.

The nature of paid domestic work is changing, with the growth in companies delivering domestic cleaning services. Few studies have looked at why people opt to use these services and the underlying drivers. As with the outsourcing of non-core tasks in businesses, outsourcing domestic work is motivated by similar, yet different reasons, which have to do with the personal and private nature of domestic employment. This study aims to establish the reasons why “clients”, who were former employers of domestic servants, opted to outsource domestic work to a domestic cleaning service provider.

Given the limited research on domestic cleaning services in South Africa, a mixed-methods research approach is used.

The findings showed that there are three key motivations: the nature of the domestic cleaning service supplier, the services rendered by domestic workers and the tripartite employment relationships. These three benefits imply that clients have access to functional and numerical flexibility, unlike employing a domestic worker directly. This study contributes to the literature on outsourcing and domestic work by showing that clients not only look to change the economic structure of the relationship with domestic workers, but it allows them to psychologically and emotionally distance themselves from domestic workers.

This study shows that some people are no longer willing to have a relationship with the people who clean their homes, and that they believe it is simply not worth the effort to maintain a relationship. This is an aspect that needs further research, as this is the one sphere where women are united in their plight, albeit from different worldviews. Thus, a limitation is that this study only focuses on clients' views of outsourcing. Have domestic workers employed by the outsourced domestic cleaning service supplier become just like assembly-line workers, where they are anonymous to their clients, performing routine tasks with little recognition from those whose homes they are servicing? Future studies could focus on domestic workers' views on outsourcing and the effects it has on their working conditions and employment relations.

Firstly, studies mainly focus on the Global North where domestic work and outsourcing have different dynamics, regulation policies and social changes when compared to South Africa. Secondly, few studies have sought to establish why people shift from employing a domestic or care worker directly to an outsourced domestic agency when direct domestic help is available and affordable. Considering these shortcomings, this study aims to provide a better understanding of domestic cleaning service suppliers from the perspective of clients, often omitted from the literature. Accordingly, this study aimed to establish what the benefits are for clients (former employers of domestic workers) who use domestic cleaning service suppliers.

Migration waves have a significant impact on cultural diversity. But in various sections of the economy the authors observe large numbers of unregistered workers. The purpose of this paper is to map out the socio-economic situation of unregistered migrant workers and aims to identify the drivers of their labour market position in terms of job opportunities and salary. The specific focus of this study will be on undocumented immigrant workers involved in the domestic work (or household) sector in the Netherlands.

This paper offers empirical evidence on two levels: the individual level (migrant domestic workers), and the household level (from an employer perspective).

The paper finds that years of work experience and social network participation – in particular, family relationships and a combination of friends with employer relationships – increases the chances of finding a higher paid irregular job. From a household perspective, there appears to be a positive relationship between both the age of the employer and the size of the household on the one hand and the hours of domestic work needed per week on the other hand. Clearly, demographic change towards an ageing population will increase the demand for undocumented domestic workers.

Reliable data on undocumented immigrants living and working in developed economies are rare. This also holds true for the Netherlands. For labour unions, this is a neglected category of workers and hence it is important to investigate their job conditions.

The Netherlands is becoming an ageing society and this is a factor that increases the demand for irregular domestic work. This paper explores the role of ageing and labour market participation on household demand for irregular domestic work. Furthermore, the paper analyses the impact of social capital dimensions on access to a better-paid illegal job for undocumented migrant domestic workers in the Netherlands.

The trend of domestic employment thrives almost in every society. It is most common in developing countries and Nigeria is no exception. This paper aims to examine the nature of the role of a domestic worker in Nigeria and the work-life conflict issues involved in such work.

This study uses a qualitative research approach to examine the nature of the role of domestic workers and the associated work-life conflict issues.

The findings show that the nature of the jobs of domestic workers in Nigeria gives rise to a situation of modern-day slavery in which an employee works without a formal employment contract, with little or no rights to private time. Long and unstructured working hours, employers’ perceptions about domestic workers and a huge workload fuel and exacerbate work-life conflict amongst domestic workers in Nigeria.

The extent to which the findings of this research can be generalised is constrained by the limited and selected sample of the research and the research context.

The primacy of the employer over the employee in domestic employment means that both time and work-based conflicts continue to buffer work-life conflict if domestic workers’ working hours remain unscheduled and their employers’ perceptions about them remain unchanged. This invariably has a negative impact on the domestic workers’ health and productivity. Therefore, domestic employment should be regulated by law and domestic workers should be treated like other formal employees.

This study contributes to the debates on the work-life conflict by highlighting the nature of the role of domestic workers in a non-western context, Nigeria and provides a nuanced insight into the work-life conflict issues involved in such work. The findings add conceptual thought and empirical evidence to the debate on work-life conflict.

We develop a model that characterizes all possible allocations of children's time between work and school, analyzing the relationship between market work, household chores, and Brazilian children's school enrollment. If pure market work is analyzed, we find that girls are less likely to work and more likely to exclusively attend relative to boys with similar characteristics. If the definition of work includes household chores, girls are less likely to be exclusively in school and more likely to work compared to boys. The results reveal that girls disproportionately carry out domestic responsibilities, which could hinder their school achievements. Furthermore, family structures with fewer preschool-aged siblings and with more adults present alleviate the pressure to displace girls’ time away from school and toward domestic activities.

Referring to the sociology of conventions, the purpose of this paper is to examine how various conventions of work coordination and employee relations affect how recruiters in the domestic labour industry use ethnic categories to match jobs to applicants in the domestic services sector and how institutional gatekeepers relegate immigrant women to jobs with poor career opportunities.

Case studies of a public job centre, a domestic service provider and an occupational integration service show the core conventions structuring job placement in Marseille's domestic service industry. Based on nine semi‐structured interviews with representatives of the three respective intermediaries, the authors reconstructed conventions and compromises between them related to the use of ethnic categories as significant criteria in recruitment.

Characteristic compromises of work conventions frame the organisational use of ethnic categories in the job placement process. Market and domestic conventions are particularly crucial for ethnic criteria to become meaningful in the recruitment process as indicators of cheap and readily available labour. Intersecting with gender, they signal competence in the “domestic world” of beneficiaries’ private homes. Ethnic categories are less meaningful, however, when coordination between intermediary, clients and workers is based on the civic and industrial work conventions.

The paper contributes to better understanding ethnic labelling processes in the placement of immigrant job seekers in the domestic service industry. It points to the problematic fact that denying the recognition of foreign certificates in the industry works to the economic benefit of domestic service providers, while it impedes the careers of female immigrant workers.

This paper addresses the nexus of domiciliary care demand and vulnerable migrant women recruited as domestic workers, focusing on the role of two types of organizations operating at the meso-level: commercial companies and nongovernmental organizations. The purpose of this paper is to identify the ways in which these organizations seek to change the dynamics of paid domestic work and explore how they attempt to shape the voice of domestic workers and their employers.

An actor-based approach is applied to the metropolitan area of Lisbon, a relevant setting for empirical research given local developments in the realms of care, employment, migration, and public policy. Qualitative case study techniques of data collection and analysis are adopted. The analysis is based on institutional records and open-ended interviews with managers of commercial companies and activists of nongovernmental organizations. Background contributions are drawn from interviews with domestic workers, private employers, and privileged informants.

Data from fieldwork demonstrate that the organizations under examination offer a significant and innovative contribution to raise and shape the voice of both paid domestic workers and their employers. More than introducing a radical perspective on the nature or content of domestic work, these organizations are engaged in stimulating a more efficient and sustainable organization of paid care in private households.

Given the novelty of the approach, the present analytical endeavour is chiefly exploratory and much of the regulatory interactions and behavioural patterns remains in the penumbra. Suggestions for future research include a more systematic and detailed scrutiny of the role of organizations, as well as the incorporation of other institutional actors such as state bodies and charitable organizations active in this field.

The findings show that commercial companies and nongovernmental organizations may become increasingly influential in the negotiation of working conditions for domestic workers while they remain highly experimental collective actors. The policy recommendation is to incorporate them as privileged subjects and actors in the public debate about the topical nexus of care crisis and migrant domestic labour. From the standpoint of social policy, the marketization of care provision is still lacking this crucial step: empowering representative bodies and fostering dialogue between them.

The original emphasis on a meso-level of analysis and the choice of empirical qualitative examination – against a normative landscape of public regulation at the top and individualized actors down below – furthers the understanding of the topic and paves the way to promising developments in both scholarly research and policy debate.

Adopting a view that migration is an investment, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the risk-adjusted returns that migrant domestic workers from Vietnam to Taiwan can expect to earn.

The study analyses data obtained through interviews of a sample of migrant domestic workers, all from Phu Tho in the north of Vietnam, who had migrated to Taiwan.

The study found that migrants were driven strongly by financial motivations. Analysis of the typical costs of migrating, wages in the host country, average length of stay and especially, uncertainties affecting the length of stay, found that the investment in migration is a highly risky one for migrants. In most cases, migration does not pay.

Estimates of costs and benefits can be improved with larger samples of respondents and data sources that can help validate the interviews.

There is a need to improve financial literacy among migrants to help them better assess their investment in migration.

This paper highlights the inequity in risk allocation in the context of migration.

To the knowledge, there is no research of the financial costs and benefits of migration as domestic workers, especially from Vietnam to Taiwan.

Recent research begins to explore how organizations of informal workers function, and succeed or fail. Using cases of domestic-worker movements in Mexico and the United States, we seek to extend this research by adding historical analysis of the movements’ evolution through a cross-national analysis of movement differences. We draw on concepts from the social movement and intersectionality literature. Historically, the two movements have been propelled by multiple streams of activism corresponding to shifting salient intersectional identities and frames, always including gender but incorporating other elements as well. Comparatively, the US domestic-worker movement recently has had greater success due to superior financial resources and more facilitative political opportunities – advantages due in part precisely to intersectional identities resonant with potential allies. However, this relative advantage was not always present and may not persist. Social movement concepts and intersectional analysis thus help understand both historical changes and cross-national contrasts in informal-worker organizing.