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This paper examines the Art Institute of Chicago – a nationally recognized museum – as a white sanctuary, i.e., a white institutional space within a racialized social system that serves to reassure whites of their dominant position in society. The purpose of this paper is to highlight how museums create and maintain white spaces within the greater context of being an institution for the general public.

The empirical analysis of this study is based on collaborative ethnographic data collected over a three-year period of time conducted by the first two authors, and consists of hundreds of photos and hundreds of hours of participant observations and field notes. The data are analyzed using descriptive methods and content analyses.

The findings highlight three specific racial mechanisms that speak to how white spaces are created, recreated and maintained within nationally and internationally elite museums: spatiality, the policing of space, and the management of access.

Sociological research on how white spaces are maintained in racialized organizations is limited. This paper extends to museums’ institutional role in maintaining white supremacy, as white sanctuaries.

This paper adds to the existing literature on race, place and space by highlighting three specific racial mechanisms in museum institutions that help to maintain white supremacy, white normality(ies), and serve to facilitate a reassurance to whites’ anxieties, fears and fragilities about their group position in society – that which helps to preserve their psychological wages of whiteness in safe white spaces.

Prevailing explanations of the US secession crisis trace the latter’s origins to slavery and slaveowners’ interests. The central problem with all such explanations, however, is that the Whig Party, the party of the largest slaveowners, opposed secession until the mid-1850s. Why did southern Whigs and their planter base resist secession through the political crisis over slavery only to fold by 1861? Drawing on archival electoral returns by precinct, party newspapers, speeches, and personal correspondence from antebellum Tuscaloosa County, Alabama, I argue for an institutional and sequential approach to the secession crisis that does not take social actors’ individual interests as given, but rather as naturalized and denaturalized in the back and forth struggle of political parties to advance competing solutions to the problem of preserving slavery.

Scholars are devoting increasing attention to understanding a specific type of strategic initiative in family firms: corporate social responsibility (CSR). Prior studies have focused on the strengths of family firms’ CSR performance. However, to more fully understand family firms and their engagement in CSR, a granular approach is needed that teases apart the strengths and concerns of CSR performance and examines the specific dimensions that comprise CSR performance. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to theorize about six negative (i.e. concern-oriented) dimensions of family firms’ CSR performance.

To examine the interrelationship between a firm’s percentage of family ownership and its CSR concerns, a sample of 71 public firms from Fortune 500 companies was constructed. The sample includes 13 years of firm-level data spanning 1994-2006 and represents over 600 firm-year observations.

As predicted, a higher percentage of family owners’ equity is positively related to diversity-oriented CSR concerns and negatively related to employee relations and environmental CSR concerns. However, the percentage of equity owned by family members is not associated with community, product quality and safety, and corporate governance CSR concerns.

The paper addresses substantive omissions in existing research on the influence of family ownership on CSR performance.

This article sheds light on the impact of collective characteristics of microaggression in a community and how this affects the perception and experiences of its underrepresented members through the lens of critical race theory (CRT). Using the Springfield community of the southwest Missouri Ozarks region in the United States of America as the authors' focus, the authors explore the barrier of microaggression in the lived experiences of a community striving for diversity and inclusion.

The authors performed a systematic analysis using four CRT tenets: race is a social construct; racism is systematic, racism is commonplace and listening to lived experiences is essential. A sample of underrepresented professionals from the region was surveyed to obtain their lived experiences. Qualitative media analysis on varied media pieces was conducted to obtain context for the environment that precipitated these experiences.

When residents from marginalized backgrounds face consistent microaggressions, their sense of belonging and contributions to the community significantly diminish, which has adverse implications for the community. If these issues are unaddressed, they might choose to leave due to feelings of underrepresentation. Community leaders must proactively implement strategies to welcome an evolving population and educate stakeholders about the detrimental effects of microaggressions on community cohesion.

Historically, the heartland of the United States of America has been a bellwether of the pulse of its average citizen. This region is currently experiencing an increase in diversity along with a significant rise in persistent microaggressions. Using CRT to analyze the impact, lessons learned and challenges, the authors provide recommendations for potential changes that could benefit the nation as a whole.

Numerous commentators have suggested that Barack Obama represents a new “post-racial” politics in the United States, distinct from a pre-existing contentious form that originated with the civil rights era. Drawing on secondary historical data, Mr. Obama's presidential campaign speeches, and county-level electoral returns from Indiana and North Carolina, I argue in contrast to such claims that post-racial politics comprise the latest in a line of successive attempts by the Democratic Party to articulate the New Deal voting bloc, in which the white suburban middle class is the primary constituency while African Americans are of secondary importance. By addressing the question of “Obama and the Politics of Race” in this way, this chapter seeks to integrate political parties into the study of racial ideologies. Specifically, it suggests that the latter may originate and subsequently develop in the context of partisan struggle.

This paper discusses the author's perceptions of anti-blackness, her research on “surface-level” diversity and her recommendations for faculty, administrators and allies.

The paper is a personal account, drawn from the author's background and experiences teaching and studying diversity. It discusses research on American Blacks' unique experiences with police violence and discrimination in employment, housing, customer service, healthcare and education consistent with anti-blackness.

Anti-blackness pervades Blacks' everyday experiences, including in academic institutions.

This paper is a viewpoint paper. Researchers should study anti-blackness, looking specifically at Blacks' organizational and societal experiences.

The author provides suggestions for faculty regarding sharing their research findings, teaching about anti-blackness in diversity, human resources, organizational behavior, management and other courses along with mentoring doctoral students. Recommendations for administration to help ensure that Black faculty are hired, valued and supported are also provided.

Efforts to identify, acknowledge and dismantle anti-blackness are critical to Blacks and are important to improving diversity, inclusion and equity in society.

This paper provides the author's perspective on anti-blackness, using her personal perceptions and experiences, coupled with research evidence. The author provides suggestions for faculty and administrators based on decades of research and experience in the field and being Black in an anti-black society.

The inclusion of LGBTQ + persons (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and having other sexual orientations and gender identities) is a crucial step in improving gender diversity in the workplace; however, till date, it remains a significant challenge for human resource management professionals. The current study critically examines this issue of an inclusive workplace for LGBTQ + people through a systematic review of the existing research that has empirically studied their experiences at the workplace. It also examines the resistance and challenges organizations face in LGBTQ + diversity training and provides future research avenues.

For systematically reviewing the literature, Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) model has been used. A total of 101 empirical studies have been reviewed.

The result shows that LGBTQ + people encounter multiple negative workplace experiences, including proximal (hiring discrimination and housing discrimination) and distal workplace discrimination (unsafe work climate, microaggressions and harassment). These aversive experiences lead to work stress while also mandating that people manage their sexual identity and style of dressing. This stress, in turn, impacts their work–family outcomes, job satisfaction and decision-making with regard to their careers.

The paper provides a holistic understanding of the aversive workplace experiences encountered by sexual minorities.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the special issue on race and place.

The approach used by the authors is to combine an overview of sociological debates on place within a framework that makes the case for a relational approach to race, space and place.

The overview provides an account of place in sociology, of the relationality of race and place, and the making of race and place in sociological work.

The Introduction sets the papers in context, providing a short account of each of them; it also aims to present an argument for attention to race and place in sociology in a setting characterized by racism and reaction.