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This study examined dossiers of informative pursual (DIPs), a particular type of secret police files, before and after the fall of Communism in Romania. These DIPs were often weaponized against citizens perceived to be anti-government.

Based on Buckland's (2017) concept of a document as an object with physical, mental and social parts, the study used thematic analysis to examine volumes of DIPs from 1945 to 1989 Communist Romania as well as several recorded reactions to the DIPs by the victims who were targeted by the Communist secret police.

Four themes were revealed by the study's findings and discussed within the manuscript: DIPs as unreliable epistemic tools, DIPs as tools to construct the identity of the “People's Enemy,” DIPs as weapons to fight the “People's Enemy” and DIPs as tools that could be used in counterattacks during post-Communism, including in political-economic blackmailing.

There are two major limitations to research of DIPs. First, since many DIPs have been stolen, copied illicitly or even destroyed, it is difficult to articulate precisely their actual or potential social and political effects. Researchers may often detect these effects only indirectly, based on information leaks in the news. Second, many victims of surveillance practices during the Communist period have chosen not to leave records of their reactions to reading the DIPs that targeted them.

Current and future comprehensive studies of DIPs can reveal possible parallels between surveillance by the Communist regime and the massive data-collection that occurs in democratic societies, particularly given the increased technical capabilities for processing data in these democratic societies.

Within documentation studies, secret police files and document weaponization have been particularly under-researched, therefore this study contributes to a small body of literature.

Considering the recent trends of the increasing globalization of the market economy and the diffusion of democracy, the modern world needs to pay closer attention to pro-women and pro-girls policies if gender discrimination is to be challenged. Such policies could mark an era of building greater gender equality across the world by strengthening domains of women’s well-being that have been shown to decline in the initial years of the democratization and globalization of countries.

Women, who have more complex societal roles than men and whose employment is more tenuous, are more vulnerable to the rapid restructuring in macro-political and economic systems and bear more of the costs of systemic changes. My world-scale analyses show that women and men benefit unequally from the growth of democracy and the global economy – men’s well-being improves with the growth of democracy and globalization but women’s well-being declines. According to my follow-up studies, the decline lasts for over a decade (2014). These findings suggest that prior results of research proposing that democracy and the global economy improve people’s well-being are most likely biased when gender and the level of development in countries are not accounted for. To protect women and girls and to avoid gender discrimination, globalizing and democratizing countries should prioritize gender mainstreaming in their policies.

This chapter examines the survival of private property during the early transition to communism in Romania at the intersection of state policies, ideologies, and legal practices. It focuses on petitions contesting urban housing nationalization in the city of Timişoara between 1950 and 1965. I argue that petitions are partially successful acts of microresistance through law that contested the communist regime's concept of private property, played a role in halting further urban housing nationalization, undermined the regime's attempts at building legitimacy through legality, and challenged ideas about legal instrumentalism in a communist system.

The purpose of this paper is to suggest that informal practices and institutions of post-Soviet countries differ from informality in other post-socialist regions and, therefore, proposes categorizing it as “post-Soviet informality” – a composite definition that extends beyond the concept of “informal economy” and encompasses, along with economic activities, social and political spheres.

The arguments of the paper are based on a comprehensive analysis of secondary sources.

This paper shows that, owing to the effects of antecedent regime’s legacies and the problems of post-communist transition, for the proper analysis of informality in post-Soviet countries it needs to be based on an own concept.

This study, in contrast to the existing literature on informality in post-communist spaces, specifically focuses on the informal sphere of post-Soviet countries, suggesting that the informal institutions and practices thriving across the vast post-Soviet space not only differ from the informal spheres elsewhere in the world, but also from informality in other post-communist regions.

The purpose of this paper is threefold: to examine social opinions in Poland towards the decommodified ideal type of welfare state, as developed by Esping-Andersen; to look at the extent to which this is correlated with opinions towards aspects of the Communist economy and the transition from this system; and to show how opinions on decommodification and the Communist economy and transition are multi-faceted and reflect differing socio-economic interests.

This paper draws on data obtained from a questionnaire asked to a random sample of 1,001 respondents in Poland. A factor analysis of questions related to the topic is carried out and then bivariate correlation and multivariate regression analyses are performed to test the relationship between attitudes towards decommodification and the (post) Communist economy.

It is discovered that the opinions of Polish society are close to many aspects of the decommodified welfare model, although these are not homogenous. There is a significant correlation between opinions towards the Communist economy and transition with the decommodified welfare state, although this weakens when the respondents are asked about more specific issues of welfare that most directly relate to their everyday lives.

The paper uses high quality data from an original data source, to both examine opinions on the welfare system and the Communist economy and transition. This allows us to better understand opinions towards the welfare state in Poland and understand how the historical legacy of Communism influences these opinions.

The aim of this paper is to create the nexus between political culture, citizens' perception of the political system and democratic order. In academic literature, one of the most important determinants of the democratic order is considered the cultural dimension. Beyond the political institutions and economic indicators, democracy is based on historical heritage, cultural patterns, political attitudes and behaviours. In correlation with all these premises, this article aims to (1) identify associations between social values and political participation; (2) estimate the impact of the political participation in creating premises for tolerance and democracy and (3) observe the relation between political beliefs, ideological position and political participation. Data are collected from secondary sources as World Values Survey, Wave 6. We use as research method the comprehensive case study for post-communist Romania. Empirical results demonstrate weak statistical correlations between personal values and active membership in political and civic associations (r = −0.150, p < 0.001). Traditional dimension of the Romanian post-communist society could be observed in three main variables which reflect personal values and preferences: family, work and religion. Low rates of tolerance are related with the inactivity in the social or political sphere, generating a syndrome of political apathy and alienation. In correlation with personal values, social implication and tolerance we have emphasize the respondents' cognitive bias regarding the meaning and directions of the democratic order.

This paper aims to examine the phenomenom of wild capitalism under post Communist transformation. Many commentators on post Communist transformation focus their attention on dysfunctional corporate governance and the deleterious consequences of liberalisation on business ethics. Poor business ethics and bad corporate governance may be a consequence of labour exploitation for comparative advantage, and the abandonment of party authority. This allowed rapacious rent‐seeking by a minority well placed to benefit from the newly de‐regulated regime. A by‐product is a burgeoning informal economy encouraged by insider dealing of privatised state assets. State regulation, where it exists, is often ignored. Employment relations are fragmented, with state‐owned enterprises retaining some form of collective regulation, while newly privatised enterprises seek to marginalise union activity.

The paper analyses why Serbia has diverged from the Slovenian case in the former Yugoslavia and determines norms of behaviour as a product of both structural and agency dynamics. Evaluates the Privatisation Agency's programme and reviews documentary evidence on business transparency. Records evidence of labour disputes from trade unions, press reports, semi‐structured interviews with trade union leaders and activists. The researchers also held a Round Table of trade unionists, journalists and employers in Belgrade in September 2008, funded by the British Academy.

The paper concludes that wild capitalism is an integral, rather than deviant mode of behaviour in Serbia.

The findings have relevance for other post Communist states, which may be subject to a greater or lesser degree to political clientelism and fragmentation of employment relations.

Discusses Polish political‐economic developments during the first decade of transformation, aiming to identify the key features likely to shape the business climate in the new millennium. The paper has three parts: first, critical aspects of the Polish political scene are described and an attempt is made to map out likely futures and downside risks, emphasising business and economic connections; this is followed by a similarly structured economics section where description of recent performance and policy is followed by an outline of likely developments and risks; a third section summarises progress in FDI, privatisation and in shaping Polish capitalism, and again looks ahead to possible futures. The mainstream expectation is of continuing opening up of good business opportunities in a basically stable political environment but any serious downturn in the international economy will inevitably sharpen internal tensions and threaten to blow off course what has been a broadly successful system transformation.