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Alan Murie, of the University of Ulster, considers how far industrial training has usurped the work of education

This chapter addresses housing policy in England since 2007 and changes in housing opportunities and inequalities. The credit crunch and its aftermath were experienced across the United Kingdom, and speeded the established trend to greater inequality. Many problems identified in England are relevant elsewhere, but the distinctive housing policies adopted in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are not discussed here. The chapter argues that the policy direction adopted since 2010 failed in its ambition to increase housing supply and home ownership and further increased social and spatial inequalities.

I would like to be able to report that the film Salmer fra kjokkenet (Kitchen Stories) (dir. Bente Hamer, 2003) was a direct consequence of the powerful arguments I made for the use of ethnography in housing studies almost 20 years ago (Franklin, 1990). Sadly, I cannot! In this touching comedy drama from Norway, a team of Swedish ethnographers working from the Swedish Home Research Institute descend on a remote rural locality in Norway during the 1950s in order to study the kitchen habits and cultures of single living men. It is an improbable quest, until one learns that the same team discovered how Swedish housewives needlessly walk the equivalent distance between Stockholm and the Congo every year as they go about their routine kitchen business; a finding that successfully paved the way for more efficient kitchen design and culture. So it was that the team descended on the very perplexed and uncooperative Norwegian bachelors (the last sub-group in their programme) in order to map out their domestic inefficiencies. Comic tension is built both through their ethnographic props (the researchers were to sit on giant stools in the kitchens, giving them panoptic vision), rules (they were not to talk to respondents, although that proves awkward when lights are turned out by thrifty Norwegians) and living spaces (they were to live in specially designed, round caravans parked outside their respondent's homes). The film would have been a vindication of my arguments not so much because it demonstrates the truth that practical housing outcomes can arise from spending sufficient periods of time studying cultural milleux, but because it also demonstrates that the relationship between researchers and respondents become more productive over time, resulting in more reliable data, better understandings of that millieux and what their problems (and therefore often ‘ours’) actually consist of.

The financial crisis of 2008 and ensuing recession led to falls in earnings in the United Kingdom, not seen since the Great Depression of the 1930s, and it was only in 2014 that overall household income returned to its pre-crisis levels. At the same time, according to one official measure, income inequality has actually fallen, although different data indicate no change. This situation follows from several factors, notably the continued growth in pensions, higher earnings of lower-income households as these have worked more since the recovery in 2013, and the continued stagnation of earnings in higher income households (even if very high incomes have continued to pull away from the rest of the population). Incomes of younger workers also remain below their pre-crisis peak. This chapter shows, however, that the picture of poverty and inequality in the United Kingdom is far more complex than suggested by the main measure of income inequality. To this end, it begins by reviewing the definitions of poverty and inequality, in order to provide a broader overview of these pressing but complex social problems. The chapter goes on to examine wealth inequalities, the impact of housing costs on inequality and poverty, and it concludes by presenting recent studies suggesting that Brexit may well lead to future rises in inequality, as higher inflation could well hit lower-income households most.

THE effective little conference of the London and Home Counties Branch of the Library Association at Brighton gave clear proof of the value of and desire for such gatherings. This experience, we are confident, will be understood by our Council and a national conference should be possible in 1946. At Brighton, amongst many good things, from the public lecture by Charles Morgan to the excellent symposium by the Service members, there was the important statement by Mr. Goldsack, Chairman of the National Book League and a well‐known publisher, on the state of British stocks of books. A census made by publishers and booksellers had revealed that some 50,000 basic books, which are required continuously by libraries, schools and the general reading world, are out‐of‐print. It may be recalled that forty years ago James Duff Brown asserted “of real, living works of literary and human interest, there are perhaps not more than 20,000 in the English language,” and if more than twice that number of books are unavailable the condition would seem to be parlous. Of course the quotation we have made is not acceptable today nor is the statement unqualified in the Berwick Sayers' editions of Brown's Manual, but Mr. Goldsack's figures give us furiously to think. We are bound to keep in every town and county a representative collection of books of every age and we do know that there is the insistent demand for current books; for some readers, indeed, this means current fiction; lacking that we are labelled as “useless” by the most vocal part of the community of readers.

The English poet Geoffrey Chaucer (c.1340‐1400) had a practical knowledge of contemporary accounting and made good use of it in The Canterbury Tales, both in his descriptions of the reeve and the merchant in the General Prologue and in the Shipman’s Tale, which can be read as a series of accounting events and transactions. These can be expressed in double entry form although it is highly unlikely that Chaucer was familiar with that technique.