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Social movements, justice campaigns and civil activism have gained recent scholarly attention among non-Western democracies since the end of the Cold War. Yet the meaning and practical implications of civil activism remain contested especially in contexts linked to militarised democracy and the criminalisation of civil activism. Importantly, the broader political terrain within which militarised democracy is situated is increasingly changing, bringing new challenges to its understanding. This chapter builds on liberal democratic theory and discusses militarised democracy in Nigeria to critique state-centric notion of criminology. It draws on two case examples, namely the proscription of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in 2017 by the federal government against its organised protests for self-determination and the state repressive response to the nation-wide protest against police brutality of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) known as the #End SARS protest in 2020. Both provide on-the-ground evidence of the criminalisation of civil activism. In the alternative, this chapter reflects on how transforming democracy can redress state repression and offer a better understanding of civil activism, which can strengthen developing democracies, including addressing questions of political marginalisation, distributive justice, police brutality, inequality, repressive state response and unequal state structure accounting for organised protests.

This chapter highlights the overwhelming situation of plastic pollution in the Nigerian tourism sector. While plastic waste pollution is detrimental to the ecological system, it also has a direct negative effect on Nigeria's economic sectors including tourism. Approximately, 8% of the world's carbon emissions are caused by tourism-related activities. Tourism activities have contributed enormously to the improper disposal of trash, raw sewage and toxic chemicals into Nigeria's environment. However, there is a lack of comprehensive initiative or policy to curb the gigantic waste pollution in Nigeria, specifically in the Nigerian tourism sector. This has caused more confusion among the consumers and the tourism practitioners. Therefore, this chapter outlines the current situation, the implication for the businesses and the responsibility of the stakeholders.

The crisis in the Niger Delta predates discovery of oil in large quantities at Oloibiri in 1956. Before independence in 1960, conflict in the region took the form of agitation for political representation and protection against marginalization by the dominant ethnic groups. However, this crisis took a new dimension in the early 1990s as oil became a major source of foreign exchange and the derivation formula was changed in favour of the federal government with negative consequences on the local people (the need to maintain constant flow of oil have resulted to gross violation of the local people's rights by the state and the oil multinationals) especially under the military regimes. The entrenchment of democracy in the late 1990s further escalated the tripartite conflict between the state, oil multinationals and host communities as the complex crisis drew global attention. The formation of Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) and Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) in the 1990s to challenge the abuse of human rights over four decades was overwhelmed applauded by the local people of the region. More importantly, MOSOP was the first social movement in the region to have internationalized the plight of the local people while IYC took over from the period when MOSOP had some internal crises that undermined its struggle.

Equally the achievements of MOSOP and IYC have instigated the formation of other social movements in the Niger Delta as a whole. The pressure from these social movements might have accounted for sudden change of policies by the state and the major oil multinationals in the mid-1990s. However, the fundamental question is to what extent the social movements (MOSOP/IYC) and International civil society have been successful with the issue of human rights abuse in the region.

This chapter intends to examine the relationship between government incentives and the mode of firms’ finance of their operation in Nigeria. Specifically, it does relate the solvency of the firm with the quality of their financing decisions and observed if government incentives such as creation of export processing zones and industrial parks will affect the firm’s decision of depending on external versus internal financing.

The results presented in this chapter are based on analysis of a firm-level data taken from the 2014 firm-level survey of the World Bank’s Enterprise Survey project for Nigeria. Different estimation techniques are applied for robustness and sensitivity. They include both the parametric and non-parametric regression approach.

The robust estimations show that firms that benefit from the government incentives tend to use more of internal funding to finance their operation unlike firms that are non-beneficiaries. In addition smaller firms are going to benefit more from the incentives than older firms, and less profitable firms are also going to use more of internal financing if they benefit from government incentives.

This chapter will be helpful for both research and teaching for undergraduate and post-graduate students. Importantly, its analysis and result will be useful for policy makers and their allies.

This chapter discusses solvency issues by considering the financing decision of firms, which is an important aspect in the going concern of firms.

It is useful to provide a context for the elaboration of this argument by referring to the historical and intellectual roots of Nigerian federalism, the nature of Nigeria's ethnic mosaic, and the influence or impact of ethnicity on the architecture of Nigerian federalism. The foundational or theoretical building block of Nigerian federalism was and continues to be ethnic, as opposed to geographical, diversity. The artisanal design and construction of this ethnicized federalism was informed by the imperative of elite accommodation initially between the departing British colonial administration and the emergent leadership of the inheritance elite and thereafter, at various times between 1960 and the present time, among the political leadership of the various fractions of the politically significant and mobilized ethnic groups (Jinadu, 1985, 2002).

Energy consumption in transportation accounted for over 29% of total final consumption (TFC) of energy and 65% of global oil usage, and it is highly connected to mobility. Mobility is essential for access to day-to-day activities such as education, leisure, healthcare, business activities, and commercial and industrial operations. This study examines the energy consumption for the transport industry, and the level of renewable energy development in some selected Sub-Saharan African (SSA) nations. This study relied on previous publications of government, reports and articles related to the subject matter. Vehicle ownership is fast increasing, particularly in cities. Still, it begins at a relatively low level because the area is home to countries with the lowest ownership rates worldwide. In its current state, the energy sector faces significant challenges such as inadequate and poorly maintained infrastructure, dealing with increasing traffic congestion in cities, large-scale imports of used vehicles with poor emission standards that affect air quality in cities, a lack of safe and formally operated public transportation systems, and inadequate consideration for women and disabled mobility needs. Motorcycle and tricycle are dominating the rural areas, accounting for a substantial amount of this growth. Aviation is the largest non-road user of energy, and this trend is predicted to continue through 2040 as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grows and urbanisation expands. This study revealed the energy consumption for the transport industry, and the level of renewable energy development in some selected SSA. Rail and navigation lag behind current global levels. The usage of biofuel and rail transport was recommended.

Our aim is to better understand access to finance and financial inclusion and how this impacts the development of female-run enterprises in Nigeria. In such a way, we can better understand the gendered context of entrepreneurship and the implications for business growth. This chapter adopts an interpretivist paradigm to explore the social reality within which entrepreneurship is enacted. Qualitative data are interpreted from semi-structured interviews of 10 Nigerian entrepreneurs, five males and five females. Findings reveal that, though structural support may be apparent, the entrepreneurial process of financing a business is characterised, in part, by social expectations of gender. It is through this social view of entrepreneurship that we provide an understanding of what it is to be entrepreneurial in practice. This chapter makes recommendations that in practice while financial institutions and policy makers may assume a ‘one size fits all’ approach to financial inclusion through different programmes currently available for entrepreneurs by the various governmental and non-governmental institutions in Nigeria, the context of gender has implications for the nature of business activity, particularly in a society characterised by patriarchy. This study also makes practical contributions for research and for practice.

Educational researchers have long experienced increasing rates of Nigerians educated to the graduate levels going overseas as a way to leave Nigeria. For the last 25 years, research has shown a rapid increase in the brain-drain syndrome in Nigeria (Akomas, 2006; Oji, 2005). From the history of expatriate Nigerians, research showed that the return rate of Nigerians who studied and obtained Ph.D.s in foreign countries shares a noticeable portion of the university educational outcomes and cannot be ignored. Pires, Kassimir and Brhane (1999), Oji (2005), West (2005), and Akomas (2006) agreed that brain-drain syndrome in Nigeria is increasing. Many Nigerian professors teaching in the universities in Nigeria have either gone overseas or are looking for ways to leave the country for greener pastures (West, 2005). In South Africa, one would find hundreds of Nigerian professors educating South Africans (West, 2005). Many are in Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, Holland, Germany, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and many more places beyond the shores of Nigeria (West, 2005). Therefore, both educational leaders in the universities in Nigeria, in general, and Niger Delta region, in particular, and expatriate Nigerians educated to the graduate levels play a substantial role in the country's educational leadership effectiveness and success.