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The peace process in the shape of confidence-building measures (CBMs) is recognizable as “arrangements designed to enhance … assurance of mind and belief in the trust-worthiness of states … confidence is the product of much broader patterns of relations than those which relate to military strategy. In fact the latter have to be woven into a complex texture of economic, cultural, technical and social relationships” (Hoist, 1983; Indian Express (New Delhi), December 19, 2003.). This suggests military and non-military initiatives undertaken by antagonistic states to reduce tensions and enhance mutual confidence. This chapter examines and evaluates various CBMs, military as well as non-military, that were initiated between India and Pakistan. The chapter also addresses and delineates definition and conceptual notion as well as some of the pertinent aspects of ongoing peace process including Track-II diplomacy and nuclear risk reduction measures being undertaken by India and Pakistan.

To augment the current literature on the memorable travel experience, this research attempts to elucidate the complex meaning of memorable travel experiences. It deploys a qualitative study to interview 17 participants in four study sites in the State of Indiana, US. From the personal interviews, this study discovers five thematic views entailing: (1) social interaction, (2) destination attractiveness, (3) excitement, (4) novelty, and (5) learning. Unlike most memorable travel experience studies in the existing literature which indicates knowledge as one of the components, this study finds that memorable travel experience involves in the learning process, not merely gaining knowledge. Relevance suggestions for future research are provided in the conclusion section.

Prejudice against Jews was part of the landscape in the Union of South Africa long before Nazism made inroads into the country during the 1930s, at which stage Jews constituted approximately 4.6% of the country’s white (or European) population. Aggressive Afrikaner nationalism was marked by fervent attempts to proscribe Jewish immigration. By 1939, Jewish immigration was included as an official plank in the political platform of the opposition Purified National Party led by Dr D.F. Malan, along with a ban on party membership for Jews residents in the Transvaal province. Racial discrimination, in a country with diversified ethnic elements and intense political complexities, was synonymous with life in the Union long before the Apartheid system, with its official policy of enforced legal, political and economic segregation, became law in May 1948 under Dr Malan’s prime ministership. Although the Jews, while maintaining their own subcultural identity, were classified within South Africa’s racial hierarchy as part of the privileged white minority, the emergence of recurrent anti-Jewish stereotypes and themes became manifest in a country permeated by the ideology of race and white superiority. This was exacerbated by the growth of a powerful Afrikaner nationalist movement, underpinned by conservative Calvinist theology. This chapter focusses on measures taken in South Africa by organisational structures within the political sphere to restrict Jewish immigration between 1930 and 1939 and to do so on ethnic grounds. These measures were underscored by radical Afrikaner nationalism, which flew in the face of the principles of ethics and moral judgement.

The neighborhoods north and northwest of downtown St Louis are blighted by their abundance of substandard, abandoned, and demolished housing. Crime, poverty, and unemployment are high while family stability, educational achievement, and health outcomes are low. These conditions are not unique to St Louis, but can be found in neighborhoods in every city in America. How did this happen? What factors led to the demise of these neighborhoods? This chapter examines the history of St Louis along with theories of neighborhood succession to identify possible explanations for the city's collapse.

In the discussion groups subjects will be taken up which are not dealt with in the lectures. The subjects to be taken up in the discussion groups of each week and the assignments relating thereto will be announced well in advance of the meetings.

This chapter explores the opportunities and challenges for Western firms that wish to engage in manufacturing operations in Iran, and particularly in the automotive industry. Although Iran has a long and fruitful history of embracing foreign investment, collaboration with foreign firms suffered in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. The imposition of UN sanctions in 2012, following the disagreements between Iran and leading Western powers over Iran’s nuclear policy, has resulted in a further exodus of foreign manufacturers from Iran, hurting the production quality, adoption of up-to-date technology and alignment to international standards for manufacturing, such as vehicle safety and engine emissions in Iran.

The removal of sanctions, contingent on the success of nuclear negotiations between Iran and leading world powers, could provide Iran with an opportunity to recommence manufacturing collaboration with Western firms. The case of the automotive industry discussed in this chapter indicates some of the challenges that Iran is likely to face if it once again wants to become a player in international markets.

This chapter focuses on the international development plans implemented in Colombia during the regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953–1957). It argues that foreign economists and international agencies, such as the World Bank, played a significant role in supporting and strengthening local leaders opposing the regime. By analyzing the creation of the Cauca Valley Corporation in 1955, through the intervention of the former chair of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) David Lilienthal, this study provides two main contributions to the literature on economists and political economy under authoritarian rule. Firstly, it illuminates how local groups mobilized international economists to contrast Rojas. Secondly, it analyses the evolving relationship between World Bank advisors, David Lilienthal, and the regime. After describing the consolidation of political and economic interest groups and their global connections before Rojas coup d’état, it focuses on Rojas’ regime and on how it affected the implementation of the World Bank development started with the General Survey Mission in 1949. In the Cauca Department, local leaders invoked the World Bank and Lilienthal to implement a TVA model in opposition with the central government.