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In August 2015, the Government Accounting Standards Board (GASB) adopted Statement 77, requiring government disclosure in audited financial reports of a particular type of tax expenditure, tax abatements. GASB's reporting standards move tax abatements from a budgetary environment to an accounting environment. This paper evaluates GASB 77's provisions to encourage an early and on-going dialogue about the Statement's prospects for achieving greater transparency compared to existing tax expenditure reporting efforts. We conclude that GASB 77 will be most beneficial to consumers of financial information in medium and large jurisdictions where there is no alternative tax abatement disclosure platform, or where the alternative offers less transparency than what can be achieved through financial reporting.

Argues that while an expenditure tax would increase the complexity and administrative burdens of taxation, these problems are not overwhelming. The problems which have led others to conclude that an expenditure tax is infeasible, or would result in gross inequities, are not insuperable. At worst they can be handled with a little ingenuity and a suitable transition scheme. The case for or against an expenditure tax must rest on whether the economic benefits of adopting such a tax exceed the minor administrative costs of the tax. The expenditure tax cannot be rejected as infeasible merely because of practical or administrative problems.

This paper aims to examine the relationships between disaggregated government fiscal policy variables; private capital investment and economic growth in Ghana, as well as the similarities and differences in the impact of these variables on private investment (PI) and economic growth.

Cointegration and an error‐correction models are used, with time series properties of the variables investigate using augmented Dickey‐Fuller test and cointegration of the variables tested using Engel‐Granger two step procedure.

The findings indicate that changes in government recurrent expenditure, current government capital expenditure and international trade taxes are significant for growth while changes in tax on domestic goods and services, tax on international trade and tax on income and property matter for private capital investment. The major difference between the impact of fiscal policy on PI and economic growth, however, lies in the direction of impact.

Based on the findings of this study, it is recommended that different policies be pursued in the promotion of PI and economic growth. Also, given the low correlation between PI and economic growth, it is recommended that the Ghanaian private sector be focused on and fully developed in order for it to perform its role as an engine of growth.

Growth has been shown to be influenced by government expenditure and international trade taxes while private capital investment is influenced by taxes on domestic goods and services, international trade and on income and property. Fiscal policy authorities will find these useful.

The fundamental problem of designing a wide scope general revenue tax can be reduced to the selection of the base used for administering the tax. Our current personal income tax is a hybrid version of a tax assessed on the basis of a tax unit's annual income receipts. An alternative to an income‐based tax that has received much theoretical treatment but little actual application is an expenditure‐based tax. An expenditure tax (also called a consumption tax or cash flow tax in the context of this paper) differs from an income tax in that it exempts net saving and investment from the tax base. Though the details of a consumption tax design are discussed more fully elsewhere in this paper, the tax base of an expenditure tax is roughly determined by subtracting net savings from gross receipts (including wages, tips, salaries, income from investments, interests, etc.). Withdrawals from savings constitute dissavings and are appropriately included in net savings. The cash flow tax, with wealth transfers deductible to the donor and included in the tax base of the recipient, would be a tax on an individual's standard of living. Similar to the present income tax standard deduction, some universal credit or exemption for a small level of consumption could be allowed.

Legislative procedures that expose tax expenditure proposals to scrutiny outside the taxation committees can improve a state legislature’s ability to control its tax base. These procedures -- fiscal notes, special subcommittees, joint taxation and spending committees, and bill size C move decisions away from the exclusive control of committees whose interests may be more narrow than the interests of the legislature as a whole. Strong legislative procedures do not, and should not, eliminate the passage of new tax exemptions, but it is desirable to enact only exemptions that match major policy objectives. Several factors, including an important economic special interest, a tax rate increase, or a major shift in intergovernmental fiscal relations, can boost an exemption past even the strongest procedures. Procedures appear to be most effective in limiting exemptions with a relatively small fiscal effect.

This paper investigates the impact of state governments’ “Tax and Expenditure Limits” (TELs) on their tax progressivity and redistributive spending. A two stage least squares (2SLS) regression model of data covering 1985-2007, was employed to allow for simultaneity in the relationships between intergovernmental transfer, tax progressivity, expenditure progressivity, and labor mobility. This model tested whether high- or low income residents had paid for and benefited from these fiscal institutions. As a result we find that TELs significantly decrease tax progressivity and increase poverty rate. These two policy effects should be explicitly accounted for in the design or revision of TELs.

This paper seeks to investigate the role of income‐inequality on the size of local government.

First, the paper extends the model proposed by Meltzer and Richard, allowing for spatial interaction in the redistributive in‐kind transfers from the local governments. Second, it estimates the determinants of the size in local government taking into consideration spatial dependence in the variables.

This model points that the poorer the median voter is, the higher should be the level of local public expenditures, but the spillover effect (spatial effect) in spending is undetermined. Second, using data on Brazilian states public finance, the results suggest a negative relation between expenditures (and tax revenues) and the median voter income, in favor to the model. While both public spending and tax rates exhibit negative spatial correlation (substitute goods), behavioral significance can be attached to the spatial process in public spending but not to the spatial process in the local tax rate.

The paper provides a small extension of the Meltzer and Richard model allowing for spatial interaction and contributes to the empirical debate about inequality and the size of the government presenting the results for Brazil.

The magnitude and immediacy of threats to the sustainability of state government programs call for significant changes in how we think about and make policies that influence the public budget. The Great Recession's prolonged battering of state budgets exhausted cutback strategies and has left policy makers with few options, producing a decision gridlock that is inescapable using traditional functional and line-item budget perspectives and embedded practices. Transforming state budgets requires an uncommon view. This paper identifies and describes seven overarching and pervasive habits in state policy making that contribute to unsustainable budgets. Although the applicability and commonness of each habit will vary by state, both individually and as a set the seven habits impart important handles for gaining greater control over a state's fiscal directions and fortunes.