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To identify the Obama administration’s policy responsiveness to the (African) American LGBT communities.

Theory development and content analysis.

Civic universalism, as a theory, can explain President Obama’s evolution on his support for marriage rights for same-sex couples. Obama employed the concept of e pluribus unum in his many approaches to LGBT responsive politics.

To date, theoretical development within the social sciences of LGBT policy responsiveness is limited.

Very little is written on the subject of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered) politics in the 21st century. The study of the LGBT experience generally has been devoid of political variables because of a lack of attention toward LGBT issues, until recently, in national political party agendas. In this chapter, we review some of the contours of the LGBT community’s fight for political recognition in the United States as a precursor to the election and reelection of President Obama. Drawing parallels with presidential responsiveness toward Blacks in their quest for rights, we examine the Obama administration’s LGBT public policy initiatives as administrative policy and programs. We conclude by identifying new areas of research to explore on LGBT politics.

This study aims to outline an axiology of inclusivity, which can facilitate self-reflection on the possible impact of acting and pursuing a more inclusive branding and marketing for places.

By deconstructing the main assumption, which constitutes the new inclusive paradigm in the marketing and branding of places as more participatory, responsible and democratic, this article tackles critical and pragmatist concerns about the political dimension and its implications for branding and marketing theories and practices in the realm of places.

The article argues that, to be understood and enacted as inclusive, branding and marketing should be seen and act as (bio)political arts of government, characterized by the impolitical as an alternative form of political praxis, whose axiological foundation is based on a particular form of civism, which offers a different mode and stance of approaching political effects and impacts for all stakeholders involved.

Little has been written about the political value, substance and appearance that indicate inclusivity as a fundamental notion for participation, engagement and democracy. This article contributes to the existing literature, arguing that inclusivity should be demystified, as it may present a self-fulfilling discourse that might create political problems.

The ‘Transition Town’ (TT) movement pioneered by Rob Hopkins initially in Kinsale (Ireland) and Totnes (United Kingdom) has become the fastest growing environmental movement in the global north (Hopkins, 2008). With over 30 official TT initiatives in the United Kingdom, the concept is now spreading into New Zealand, Canada, and many more countries.¹ The movement starts from two premises: (i) the reality and implications of rapid and potentially catastrophic climate change; (ii) the reality of ‘peak oil’ – an imminent, permanent short fall in oil supply, increasing year on year with massive geo-political, economic and social consequences.² Whilst supporting national and multilateral efforts to reduce emissions and to develop new energy technologies and infrastructures, TT leaves climate change protest to environmental campaigning groups, NGOs and activists oriented towards a global civil society. Acknowledging the need for ‘government and business responses [to climate change and peak oil] at all levels’, the role of TT is to ‘create [a] sense of anticipation, elation and a collective call to adventure’ and that this grass-roots bottom-up, local activism could potentially prepare the way for more directly political action at the level of national government (Hopkins, 2008, p. 15).

The purpose of this paper is to describe how recent immigrants and refugees to Canada (“newcomers”) use the facilities of a large, urban public library. As the library previously surveyed the general user population, the responses to the two surveys can be compared.

Questionnaires were administered as patrons were leaving Surrey Libraries Branches to adult public library members who self-identified as newcomers who arrived in Canada within the previous ten years.

The pattern of library use by newcomers differed from that of the general population. They visited more frequently and stayed longer. Newcomers were heavier users of library services and used a wider range of services. They used the library branch as a public place. The library provided them with a place to study, read or meet other people.

The study was exploratory. The small sample size and the data collection process do not allow extrapolation to the underlying population.

Recent newcomers often have similar informational, psychological and social needs. Public libraries can play a role in assisting newcomers during their adjustment process.

Researchers worked closely with library management to develop questions based on decision usefulness. An earlier in-house study allowed comparisons to be made between branch use by newcomers and general library users. Canadian studies into government policy, along with immigrant and refugee studies, provide context for the survey results.

Civil society-based institutions have had a significant historical impact in Europe on the one hand in formation of modern notions of the nation and on the creation of national identity and on the other hand in definition of citizenship rights and understanding of the democratic culture. If support for citizenship rights through civil society organizations – at the workplace and in public institutions – is weakly articulated, it creates a fragile democratic culture and, consequently, less comprehensive social protection. The possibility of civil society becoming a locus for democratic learning, political reflexivity and governance depends, firstly, on its specific institutional mechanisms and, secondly, on the broader institutional configuration, which civil society forms part of.

Jürgen Habermas is one of the most important authors in contemporary philosophy. In this chapter, we analyse his contribution to the philosophical debate on universalism and relativism and consider its implications for organization studies and organizations operating in an intercultural environment. We briefly describe the critique of a universal concept of reason that has been forwarded by sceptical and postmodern philosophers. As a response to this critique, we outline the contribution of discourse ethics and analyse the theories of Jürgen Habermas and his colleague Karl-Otto Apel. We explore the justification of discourse ethics and point out some problems in its argumentative logic. In the light of this critique, we outline some characteristics of an intercultural ethics that is based on constructivist philosophy and point to some encouraging prospects on the consolidation of the debate between relativistic and universalistic philosophers.

The paper seeks to explore how universal welfare arrangements based on needs testing may change and assume different institutional forms. Drawing attention to Norwegian home care, the paper explores how established interpretations of needs and associated notions of equity among needs have been challenged by shifting modes of governance.

The study draws on policy documents, interviews and observation from three different case studies undertaken at different points in time representing different eras of governance. From this perspective, the study examines the role of professionals taking part in needs assessment.

The studies indicate that routines for needs assessment in home care are contingent on shifting logics of governance. A shift in policy of needs testing may be described as a shift from a personal situated approach encouraging “creative justice” towards a detached and impartial approach better equipped to ensure “proportional justice”. The latter approach has become more dominant as heightened attention has been paid to citizens' rights. It is, however, questionable to what extent it will improve the preconditions for treating citizens with equal concern and respect.

The case study approach underlying the study is incapable of providing generalised conclusions about the development in all Norwegian municipalities.

Universalism is often talked about as a stable feature of the Nordic welfare system. Drawing attention to the underlying and elusive notions of needs, the study makes explicit some unstable aspects of universalism.

This paper aims to examine the ethics of authentic talent development in socioeconomic context by considering a set of alternative ethical frameworks. It juxtaposes the ideals of civic virtue, which involve a concern for the common good, with the reality that socioeconomic deprivation and sociocultural practices severely constrain talent development opportunities and choice.

The paper draws on several frameworks complementary to the ideals of civic virtue – the basic goods approach, human capital theory, the capabilities approach and the ethic of care – to elucidate the barriers to talent development embodied in sociocultural context, as well as policy and institutional practices to overcoming these barriers.

While multiple ethical frameworks are necessary to fully capture the issues related to authentic talent development in socioeconomic context, a focus on the ethic of care and basic goods provision is an important starting point. There are also a few fundamental starting points for human resource development in responding to ethical concerns regarding authentic talent development.

While the prevailing approach to talent development is implicitly based on a logic of social identity ascription, this paper promotes an alternative approach based on the ethics of civic virtue. While the former is oriented to the support of social hierarchies based on identity, the latter is oriented to fostering both social and human well-being via choice and authentic talent development.