Search results

The purpose of this paper is to provide a historical review of China’s anti-corruption efforts, from the ancient period of Chinese slavery societies to the late 1970s before China launched its profound economic reform, under the current status of the harsh crusade against corruption that the Chinese new leadership initiated.

This paper is mainly based on a great deal of historical literature and empirical findings, with relevant comparative analysis on policies and regulations between various periods of China.

The phenomenon of corruption has existed in Chinese history for thousands of years, throughout Chinese slavery societies, feudal societies, republic period and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Anti-corruption laws formed an important part of ancient Chinese legal system, and each dynasty has made continuous and commendable progress on fighting such misconduct. Innumerable initiatives have also been taken by the ruling party Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since the founding of the PRC. The PRC government created various specially designed government organizations and a series of updated regulations for preventing economic crimes. They have realized that periodic movements against corruption would no longer be helpful, and the paramount issue nowadays is indeed how bold the leaders are in striking out those unhealthy tendencies.

This paper fills in the blanks in the Western world with a comprehensive description of, and comments on, the historical efforts on China’s corruption and economic crime prevention. It also, in various ways, provides meaningful information that links to China’s current furious war against corruption.

Marketing research has focussed more on in-group favoritism and out-group derogation (i.e. ethnocentrism) than out-group favoritism and in-group derogation (i.e. xenocentrism). The purpose of this paper is to explore the xenocentric behavior in the consumer sphere to explain why some consumers have a bias for foreign products even when domestic ones are qualitatively similar or better. As the Chinese economy has experienced more than three decades of near double-digit growth and increased openness to foreign products, it is important to examine phenomena related to the formation of Chinese attitudes toward foreign products with the rising tensions between the seemingly irreversible globalization and Chinese re-awakening nationalism.

This study is based on a review of the extant literature and focus groups in three cities in China.

This study has found that consumer xenocentrism (CX) is prevalent in China, especially among the new emerging wealthy classes, younger consumers, and the local elite. It appears that Chinese consumers are psychologically or sociologically orientated or predisposed toward foreign (Western) goods. The findings from this study suggest that both consumer ethnocentrism and CX are possible or even expected. The short review of Chinese history presented here has shown that these phenomena can be explained by traditional in-group/out-group theories. Specifically, when there are too many xenocentrics, national esteem is threatened and this prompts many individuals to become more ethnocentric.

This study is based on the literature and focus groups data, hence, the findings are not intended to be generalizable.

The findings from this study should be of interest to business practitioners and policy makers.

The historical and cultural perspectives taken in this study indicate that understanding consumers’ xenocentric behavior entails knowledge and deep understanding of how cultural values and contemporary social-political forces interplay within consumers’ formation and change of attitudes toward the choice of domestic and foreign products.

This study shows that the ability of foreign products to meet the individual’s need or enhance his/her self-esteem more so than domestic products is indicative of something more than simply an international, cosmopolitan, or modern orientation. The fact that consumer foreign bias is found with both mundane and widely available products, expensive and inexpensive products, and conspicuous and non-conspicuous goods challenges the assumption that this phenomenon is simply traditional prestige-consumption behavior. Future research needs to be directed at measuring the CX construct and examine potential antecedents of such a behavior.

The aim of this paper is to illustrate how scholars may adopt a multi‐method – not just multidisciplinary – approach on research on conflict management. Taking the Diaoyu Islands as a case, the author draws on literature from management, political sciences, war, military studies, history, etymology and culture. In the process, the author deepens, enriches and expands the Thomas‐Kilman (T‐K) model for mapping out possible solutions in resolving conflicts: not just between people at workplaces but for between states as well. For instance, the author explains why the Diaoyu Islands conflict, if not amicably resolved may well lead to obliteration (integrated as part of the model) in resolving the conflict via a nuclear outbreak. Third World War may just be sparked off with Russia aligned with China against Japan and the USA.

Of all the issues in management, conflict management is the most culturally embedded. Through a multi‐method approach, the author illuminates the complexity of the Diaoyu Islands case. Literature from past empirical war studies are reviewed to suggest the geography of the islands (proximity, borderless, richness of resources) makes war highly probable. Past Chinese‐Japanese hatred (utilizing visual imagery), antagonism and guanxi are reviewed in exploring their impacts on outcomes (see model). Etymological research is attempted using English, Japanese and Chinese words, characters and pictograms that are related to concepts within the T‐K model. To better grasp how young Chinese feel towards the Diaoyu Islands and the Japanese, the author conducted some field research in Harbin, China. The continuing Chinese angst against Japanese is explained through war imagery: there remains in young Chinese an unquenchable thirst for exacting revenge on the Japanese. In a search to uncover ways of resolving the dispute, a further, extended study is undertaken on ancient Chinese pictograms: for example, whether a 5,000 years old Chinese concept of compromise zhe zhong (Graphic 1; oracular bones) or splitting into halves may be relevant. The role of time in conflict management is discussed in relation to the Diaoyu Islands.

By providing the WWII visual imagery as a backdrop to Chinese‐Japanese antagonism, the author explains to readers why the Diaoyu Islands is such a complex case to resolve. Also in his fieldwork, he highlights that the younger Chinese are as equally indignant about Japanese unethical grabbing, “thieving” behaviour. In their minds, such behaviour harks back to the blatant seizure of Manchuria and Japanese puppetry of Manchukuo. Through the Diaoyu Islands case, the T‐K model and theory of conflict management is broadened, enriched and enhanced. The paper illustrates how in conflicts that involve cultures are very different from the West, for instance very ancient civilizations like China and India, authors should take a multi‐method approach and explore the issues and search for solutions far more deeply.

Very few scholars seek to integrate the two streams of research in resolving conflict as illustrated through this paper: management and social sciences (e.g. political sciences, military and war studies). Conflict is about people and therefore integral use of multi‐methods needs to be used.

This paper seeks to discuss the genealogical sources for Chinese immigrants as well as the settlement of Chinese in the USA and the historical evolution of Chinese names, their origins, arrangement and development. It aims to cover the origins of various classes of Chinese surnames, followed by the content description of a traditional genealogical book for jiapu.

The paper researches the various ways that a Chinese person can find out about their ancestry.

The paper reveals the roles of libraries, including serving the needs of patrons interested in genealogical research, preserving and interpreting information through oral and family history projects and collaborating with other libraries through interlibrary loan, document delivery, library consortia, collection management and international resource‐sharing.

The study provides information on where and how to locate the genealogical resources for researching the genealogy of a Chinese family.

The paper analyzes the value of genealogical research as a documentary source for population history, life expectancy in a clan, marriages and family connections, as well as lineage organizations and inter‐lineage relations.

The aim of this paper is to examine the evolution and development of the selection process and methods used by the Chinese government for appointing public officials.

The paper adopts an approach combining literature and document reviews with discussion with field experts.

China has a long history of selecting the most able individuals for government officials. During the political turmoil of the twentieth century, this was abandoned for ideological reasons. Current selection criteria and process are increasingly based on solid psychology and management approaches.

This paper is an overview of developments in Chinese government official selection approaches and process.

It may serve as a baseline for future research and practice on exploring sound and institutionalized selection methods and processes.

This is an initial attempt to explore senior Chinese officials' selection process.

The paper aims to contribute to the current research on China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from a historical point of view. The paper investigates why the history of the Silk Roads is important to the BRI, what is in the guiding thought underpinning China's Silk Roads narrative and how this narrative is presented transnationally, through an insightful analysis of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) view of the Silk Roads history, as well as its perception of the connections between the Silk Roads history and the BRI.

The paper sits in the interface between history, heritage and state power. The argument is framed in concepts of historical constructionism and soft power. It is based on the discourse analysis of China's official narrative of Silk Roads and a case study of the planning for the World Heritage nomination of the Maritime Silk Routes (MSR) (China section). The case study is conducted through a qualitative analysis of academic publications, media reports and programs, official speeches and documents that are available to the public in hardcopy or on the Internet.

The paper reveals the relationship between the state-endorsed Silk Roads narrative and the BRI. The paper argues that the state-backed Silk Roads narrative as well as the planning for the World Heritage nomination of the MSR (China section) is guided by the Chinese Communist Party's perception of the BRI. In this respect, the Silk Roads-associated history, heritage and memory are shaped and deployed to serve as a convenient platform for the promotion of the BRI. The Party leaders' perception of the BRI is in large part about the revival of China's past glory, its national rejuvenation and the demonstration of China's soft power.

The paper contributes to the existing literature on the BRI through its enquiries into how the CPC reconcile nationalist ambitions with notions of peace, harmony and cosmopolitanism and how CPC's view of the Silk Roads history shapes its vision of the BRI. The paper examines the role of the state in the construction and articulation of the Silk Roads-associated history, heritage and memory. It investigates how China's official interpretation of the Silk Road heritage serves China's BRI.

The goal of this chapter is to respond to the theoretical inquiries by scholars who are interested in how the public–private partnership (PPP) models adapt to China’s context where political power dictates economic strategies. We also want to provide suggestions to policy designers who aim to promote a sustainable investment environment for domestic and international investors. We review the literature that explains the upside and downside of PPP projects in contemporary China. (1) We classify the trajectory of PPP evolution into four phases, i.e., emergence, growth, recession and revival. (2) We note that private companies take a disadvantageous position in the partnership compared with governments and state-owned enterprises because of a lack of specialized legislation, unequal competition between private companies and state-owned enterprises and the opposition from the civic society. (3) We identify political risks as the most influential risks. Political risks also lead to the misallocation of other risks between public and private parties that contributes to the high failure rate of China’s PPP projects. Based on these findings, we recommend governments to draft specialized legislation, stabilize the political environment and provide favourable subsidies to local governments to limit the risks involved in PPP projects. We also advise private enterprises and state-owned enterprises to focus on negotiating over task and risk division with governments when they make decisions to participate in PPP projects. This full review of studies on PPP development in China provides reliable recommendations to scholars, governments and enterprises.