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1 – 10 of 101The aim of this paper is to illustrate how scholars may adopt a multi‐method – not just multidisciplinary – approach on research on conflict management. Taking the Diaoyu Islands…
Abstract
Purpose
The aim of this paper is to illustrate how scholars may adopt a multi‐method – not just multidisciplinary – approach on research on conflict management. Taking the Diaoyu Islands as a case, the author draws on literature from management, political sciences, war, military studies, history, etymology and culture. In the process, the author deepens, enriches and expands the Thomas‐Kilman (T‐K) model for mapping out possible solutions in resolving conflicts: not just between people at workplaces but for between states as well. For instance, the author explains why the Diaoyu Islands conflict, if not amicably resolved may well lead to obliteration (integrated as part of the model) in resolving the conflict via a nuclear outbreak. Third World War may just be sparked off with Russia aligned with China against Japan and the USA.
Design/methodology/approach
Of all the issues in management, conflict management is the most culturally embedded. Through a multi‐method approach, the author illuminates the complexity of the Diaoyu Islands case. Literature from past empirical war studies are reviewed to suggest the geography of the islands (proximity, borderless, richness of resources) makes war highly probable. Past Chinese‐Japanese hatred (utilizing visual imagery), antagonism and guanxi are reviewed in exploring their impacts on outcomes (see model). Etymological research is attempted using English, Japanese and Chinese words, characters and pictograms that are related to concepts within the T‐K model. To better grasp how young Chinese feel towards the Diaoyu Islands and the Japanese, the author conducted some field research in Harbin, China. The continuing Chinese angst against Japanese is explained through war imagery: there remains in young Chinese an unquenchable thirst for exacting revenge on the Japanese. In a search to uncover ways of resolving the dispute, a further, extended study is undertaken on ancient Chinese pictograms: for example, whether a 5,000 years old Chinese concept of compromise zhe zhong (Graphic 1; oracular bones) or splitting into halves may be relevant. The role of time in conflict management is discussed in relation to the Diaoyu Islands.
Findings
By providing the WWII visual imagery as a backdrop to Chinese‐Japanese antagonism, the author explains to readers why the Diaoyu Islands is such a complex case to resolve. Also in his fieldwork, he highlights that the younger Chinese are as equally indignant about Japanese unethical grabbing, “thieving” behaviour. In their minds, such behaviour harks back to the blatant seizure of Manchuria and Japanese puppetry of Manchukuo. Through the Diaoyu Islands case, the T‐K model and theory of conflict management is broadened, enriched and enhanced. The paper illustrates how in conflicts that involve cultures are very different from the West, for instance very ancient civilizations like China and India, authors should take a multi‐method approach and explore the issues and search for solutions far more deeply.
Originality/value
Very few scholars seek to integrate the two streams of research in resolving conflict as illustrated through this paper: management and social sciences (e.g. political sciences, military and war studies). Conflict is about people and therefore integral use of multi‐methods needs to be used.
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Romi Jain and Joseph Tse-Hei Lee
This introductory essay historicizes the evolution of China’s geopolitical strategy from the Maoist era (1949–1976) to the present. It examines the Chinese strategic thinking in…
Abstract
Purpose
This introductory essay historicizes the evolution of China’s geopolitical strategy from the Maoist era (1949–1976) to the present. It examines the Chinese strategic thinking in four spatial settings: Eurasia, maritime Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The Chinese strategic concerns are comparable across these regions, but the ability to pursue security interests is contingent on many circumstantial factors. This study refers to some snapshots of the ongoing regional disputes to discuss the continuities and breakpoints in China’s strategic outreach in a multipolar world.
Design/methodology/approach
This study draws on the scholarly literature and policy papers to examine the interrelated forces that shape China’s rise to regional dominance: how Beijing has co-opted a series of global and regional crises for its rise to domination; how China, the USA and neighbouring countries have adjusted and adapted to a new changing international order; and how major powers in littoral and maritime Asia respond to an increasingly assertive Chinese state.
Findings
This study documents the combination of smart, soft and sharp power that China has deployed, since the global financial crisis of 2008, to enforce its dominance against the USA across the Pacific Rim and Eurasia. It argues that General Secretary of the Chinese Communist PartyXi Jinping initially launched the Belt and Road Initiative to respond to former US President Barak Obama’s policy of rebalancing Asia, and he has expanded these expansionary projects to counter US President Donald Trump’s “America First” doctrine, thereby asserting Chinese influence abroad and tightening control against discontented populations at home.
Research limitations/implications
Many Western policy analysts are wondering whether a rising China will be a “status quo” state or a revisionist state that attempts to challenge the existing world order. The lack of clarification from Beijing has prompted Washington to shift from a longstanding strategy of diplomatic engagement to that of geostrategic containment to balance against China.
Originality/value
The strategic goals of China in the early 21st century pertain to security reassurance, access to energy resources and national image building. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, China has become immensely confident of its own socio-economic accomplishments and scornful of what it perceives as an American conspiracy to undermine its rise to power. Following in the footsteps of the USA in the post-Second World War era, Japan in the 1980s and Taiwan in the 1990s, Beijing has used international commercial activities and business contracts to achieve specific political, strategic and diplomatic objectives.
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Japan's coast guard.
Details
DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-DB242639
ISSN: 2633-304X
Keywords
Geographic
Topical
Japan is viewed by ASEAN states as the most constructive player among the major powers. China is seen as aggressive and the United States as unreliable under President Donald…
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DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-DB256490
ISSN: 2633-304X
Keywords
Geographic
Topical
China-Japan relations.
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DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-DB239849
ISSN: 2633-304X
Keywords
Geographic
Topical
CHINA/JAPAN: Coast guard rules may help avoid conflict
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DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-ES259852
ISSN: 2633-304X
Keywords
Geographic
Topical
JAPAN: Island deployment is less than meets the eye
JAPAN: Frontier island policy eyes geopolitical goals
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DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-ES214640
ISSN: 2633-304X
Keywords
Geographic
Topical
Japan has a stake in Taiwan’s continued autonomy as a constraint on China’s ability to dominate the region. Japanese politicians have become bolder in indicating support for…
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DOI: 10.1108/OXAN-DB260112
ISSN: 2633-304X
Keywords
Geographic
Topical
China has showed its eagerness in using its economic strength in the very recent years. Is China going to be a major sanctioning state like the United States or the European…
Abstract
China has showed its eagerness in using its economic strength in the very recent years. Is China going to be a major sanctioning state like the United States or the European Union? This chapter argues that although there have been an increasing number of economic sanctions imposed by China with its expanding national interests and growing diplomatic problems, China will still keep a low profile in using economic sanctions because of the restraining factors such as the WTO rules, inherent problems in its economy, the pursuit of a good reputation and its strategy of peaceful development. Thus the frequency and tactics of using economic sanctions may vary according to its rising economy and changing international situation, but that will go in a very limited way.