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The open objective of liberalization or globalization for the developed nations is the expansion of market or the creation of opportunities to produce and sale more and more goods and/or services beyond the domestic market which ultimately lead the nation in the right path of development. On the other hand, this economic environment is a challenge for the developing or less developed or small nations with respect to share of world trade to compete with the developed or large nations with respect to the quality of the product, technology, skill of human resources, etc. There arise tariff impositions to protect the domestic economies to defend against the challenges. Under these circumstances, this chapter tries to investigate the impact of such tariff war measured by trade as a percentage of GDP on the per capita GDP of the nations. It finds that all the variables are cointegrated. The effect depends on how we measure world tariff, for example, the effect of tariff on trade is positive and significant when we measure the world tariff as simple mean of all products but the effect of tariff on trade is negative and statistically significant when we take tariff as weighted mean of all products. Similarly, the effect of tariff on per capita income is positive if tariff is measured with simple average of all products but this effect is negative and significant when it is measured with weighted mean of all products. In this case, imposition of world tariff (weighted mean of all products) declines world per capita income especially in short run.

Of late, the issue which has attracted the highest attention in the global scenario is the US–China trade relation, in particular the tariff war. The biggest nations in the world are in war with each other in matters related to trade since 2018. In the first quarter, the United States imposed a tariff which affected many countries like Canada, the EU, Mexico, the Russian Federation, Turkey, and, in developing Asia, India and the People’s Republic of China. This has resulted in a significant dampening of global output growth and growth in emerging nations of Asia. The present chapter seeks to investigate into the historical evidences of trade wars between the United States and China, major reasons responsible for this conflict and tries to figure out the impact of this conflict on fundamental macro variables using secondary time-series data primarily on selected Asian economies including India. The author uses the multiple regression technique to find to what extent changes in the independent variables are responsible in explaining the changes in the dependent variable for both China and the United States. The empirical results clearly show that in the case of China and the United States, an increase in weighted tariff rates (WTR) will lead to a significant decrease in the trade GDP ratio (TGR), whereas in the case of both these countries, Purchasing Power Parity GNI (PPPGNI) is positively and significantly associated in determining TGR. In the case of India, a decrease in WTR is expected to lead to a rise in TGR and it is significant. In case of Vietnam, PPPGNI is significant, but not WTR. In the case of Singapore, neither of the two independent variables is significant.

Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade their economic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA.

In this study, we would like to examine the export prospect of India in the era of neo-protectionism. This particular era is characterized by increased used of trade barriers mainly by the large economies and a very sluggish growth in world export as a whole. Our study shows that both tariff and non-tariff barriers as well as world income affect India’s exports significantly. And, India as of 2017–2018, exports nearly 40% of its exportable to the developed world. So, the present era is not very encouraging for India. As a strategic response, it may try to re-orient its exports from more restrictive developed countries like European Union to countries like Japan, which are much less restrictive, as complete re-orientation from developed to developing world is not possible.

Corn, which has the highest domestic production, planting area and consumption, is the top cereal in relation to demand and supply in China. However, the comparative advantage of China in corn has continuously deteriorated in recent years and based on the recent situation and possible supply and demand trends, it is widely accepted that a corn self-sufficiency rate of 95% is difficult to achieve. Under current import-restriction policies, corn may stand at the crossroads of reforms to solve its predicted insufficient supply. In this study, the authors analyse the necessity of relaxing trade restrictions on corn in China and explore the effects of trade restrictions by reducing tariffs and expanding tariff-rate quotas on corn and related industries and the welfare change caused by possible relaxations.

The authors construct a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model and design nine scenarios for the analysis.

The results show that relaxations of import restrictions are probable methods to meet the aim of sufficient corn supply during shortages. They are simulated to reduce corn's domestic production and price, increase import and import prices and lead to a decline in self-sufficiency but benefit the production of corn-related industries of corn. The results also imply that expanding the quota is a better method for releasing trade restrictions in China.

The comparative advantage of China in corn deteriorated with an increase in prices. Based on the current situation and possible trends of supply and demand, the referenced goal of achieving 95% corn self-sufficiency appears difficult, implying that reliance on imports is probably imminent and vital. This study provides simulation results in future scenarios and offers policy implications for China's corn trade policies.

This chapter investigates the effects of economic development, FDI, trade barriers, product characteristics, and air transport network connectivity on both air trade and air cargo demand. The analysis applies gravity model and estimates the air trade and air cargo demand models using seemingly unrelated regressions based on data for the air cargo markets between the United States and its top 61 trading partner countries during the 2004–2019 period. By developing and incorporating “investment distance” as a determining factor in the estimation of air trade, our study fills the gap in literature and sheds light on the importance of air cargo transport in enabling and facilitating the rapid growth of global value chains in recent decades. The results suggest that higher level of FDI between the US and its trading partner countries helps stimulate air trade. Moreover, we also develop several network centrality metrics and examine their relationship with regional air connectivity, which in turn has a positive impact on air cargo traffic. Further analysis using Granger causality tests provides strong evidence supporting the importance of air cargo services as an engine for economic growth and international trade in a dynamic global economic landscape.

The purpose of this research is to study the relation between “restrictiveness” of a country's trade policy and its socio‐economic well‐being as reflected in the indicators of human development.

A recently‐developed trade‐restrictiveness‐index (TRI), which seems superior to almost all existing indexes of trade policy or “outward orientation”, is related with infant‐mortality, child‐mortality, maternal‐mortality, access to safe water, access to basic sanitation, and secondary‐school enrollment, which are well‐known and important measures of a country's human development and are closely related to several Millennium Development Goals. In addition to a consideration of the covariation between TRI and the six human‐development measures, estimates from parsimonious regression models are studied. Sensitivity checks are conducted by considering covariations and regression estimates for another trade‐policy index and different country groups.

The evidence overwhelmingly shows that, contrary to the position shared and disseminated widely, there is no indication that a more restrictive international trade policy has a significant negative association with human development or socio‐economic well‐being. Every correlation between trade restrictiveness index and human‐development measures is close to zero. Almost every regression coefficient of trade‐restrictiveness‐index lacks statistical significance at any meaningful level, and a consistent pattern is noted across two measures of trade policy and different country groups.

The evidence suggests much caution in the articulation and dissemination of the widely‐shared view that a more restrictive trade policy is detrimental to a country's socio‐economic well‐being. In particular, it implies that international organizations and developed‐country governments may not force developing‐country governments to adopt more “outward‐oriented” trade policies, but may let them choose the trade‐policy stance they find appropriate for their country. The estimates also reinforce the view that great care be exercised by scholars in the choice of trade‐openness measures for studying the relation between trade policy and economic well‐being.

In the vast literature on the nexus between trade policy and economic well‐being, this is probably the only study that relates six important measures of human development with what seems to be the best available index of restrictiveness of a country's trade policy. Therefore, the research, which is based on a fairly large cross‐country sample, may be deemed as highly significant on a topic of much scientific and policy relevance.