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The purpose of this paper is to review the state of research of police militarization in the USA to explore the claim that the police are becoming more like the military, or “militarized” in order to identify gaps in the research on this topic that require further investigation.

To explore the state of police militarization, this paper draws on a scan of scholarly papers published on militarization in the American context as well as a select array of gray literature on the topic.

While the nature of militarization has received substantial scholarly attention, debate on the phenomenon remains and there is little consensus on the definition of what makes a department militarized. The impact of militarization is similarly unclear: some scholars suggest that it has a negative impact on policing because it creates community hostility and encourages police to see force as a central problem-solving tool. However, other scholars suggest militarization is a positive development, as it could promote professionalism and accountability. To date, there has been little empirical work on the impact of militarization on policing that could inform this debate.

This paper suggests that empirical assessments of how militarization affects use of force and legitimacy will be valuable for informing the militarization debate. As scholars on both sides of the debate have suggested that militarization affect policing outcomes in these areas, empirical tests here offer a way to explore both sides’ claims. Such tests could offer new evidence on how militarization is affecting the character and operations of American police.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce a special issue which looks into how militarization can be seen as an entity from which international business, management and organization can or cannot glean potentially useful lessons.

Five papers have been used to give a suitable basis for the reconceptualisation and recontextualisation of the military and militarization in relation to international business.

Several key tasks are achieved in rephrasing the issues of militarization in relation to international business. A wide national and cultural span is covered.

In developing and assembling this collection of papers claim cannot be laid to have answered issues on militarization, ground has been laid and reference points provided for a much needed wider critical debate.

The purpose of this paper is to undertake an analysis of the engagement of organization and management literature with military and militarization themes and issues.

An interpretive, textual literature analysis which identifies a range of international themes and issues in relation to militarization.

Identifies a modernistic‐managerialist tendency in the organization and management literature which elects to engage with military aspects and issues. This is predicated on a perceived mutual utility between the apparently separable “military” and “non‐military” domains and revolves around a series of commonly invoked texts and sets of popular cultural representations. Also recognises that organization and management commentaries influenced by critical perspectives tend not to engage so readily with military contexts and points up political commitments that might make this the case. Identifies approaches to blurring military/non‐military divides in current militaristic representations.

Provides a considered thematic and paradigmatic reflection on militarization commentary in extant organization and management literature. Identifies and explores methodological challenges in considering militarization and its pervasive effects and delineations.

Maps the organization and management literature in relation to militarization and generates a series of critical platforms from which to embark on a corresponding exploration of militarization.

Conducts a novel consideration of the limitations of management and organization literature's hitherto treatment of military and militarization aspects. Generates a fruitful set of conditions and insights for international critical organization and management approaches to military topics and issues.

Using composite indices, the paper examines the nexus between militarization, globalization and liberal democracy. The democratic peace theory, the conflict inhibiting effects of international trade – a key and dominant facet of globalization – and the democracy promoting globalization hypothesis form the theoretical underpinnings of the empirical investigation.

To probe into the issue at hand, the paper adopts a dynamic panel VAR estimation procedure. Given the usual data constraints, the sample consists of 113 countries, and the estimations span the period 1995–2019.

The findings from the dynamic panel VAR estimations suggest the presence of a negative and statistically significant nexus between the level of globalization and the level of militarization. No statistically traceable nexus between globalization and liberal democracy was found.

The findings offer empirical support to the hypothesis that the strong links of interdependence shaped by globalization reduce the need for military preparedness. The results lead to a tentative inference in favor of the doux commerce thesis. Nonetheless, given that the estimations span a historically specific period – the entire post-bipolar era – the inferences that stem from the findings should be treated with caution.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the composite indices Bonn International Centre for Conflict Studies (BICC) militarization index, the globalization index of the Swiss Economic Institute (Konjunkturforschungsstelle) (KOF), LibDem, polyarchy have not hitherto been jointly used in previous studies to examine the nexus between militarization, globalization and liberal democracy.

The author is interested in variations by age in women's attitudes to the military and defence and support for women's participation in the military. Analysis of public opinion data suggests that women in Switzerland have substantial and consistently non‐militaristic leanings which the author seeks to explain.

This conceptual paper is offered in place of a systematic analysis of militarization in organizations and the wider world. It proceeds on the understanding that militarization implies deep historical tendencies that are not easy to simply avoid, especially where one wishes to observe or to analyse phenomena systematically.

This paper seeks out alternative means of engagement with references to the psychoanalytic theory of Sigmund Freud, the critical theory of Theodor Adorno and the poetry of W.H. Auden. The departure, however, is taken in response to a brief and questionable statement by Cardinal Ratzinger (now Pope Benedict XVI) about world history and the position of reason since the end of the Second World War.

Historical analysis, it is argued, is essential for any understanding of processes of militarization but not adequate on its own.

Militarization means, at least in the first instance, the adoption of military modes of organization and engagement in supposedly non‐military environments. But at a deeper level, which is nonetheless manifest in both a developing technology and an increasingly technological attitude, it implies the repetition of basic attitudes to others and to life. Furthermore the very meaning of militarization is likely to undergo metamorphoses as a result of these trends.

Domestic law enforcement increasingly utilizes military tools and techniques in traditional policing activities. An increased militaristic approach is not without controversy, given the many high-profile incidents involving such tactics that have resulted in tragedy. We seek to assess specific views of policymakers who implement such strategies by measuring the attitudes of Texas sheriffs on these measures.

In late 2019 and early 2020, a census was completed with Texas sheriffs to better understand their attitudes about the use of military tactics. A robust return rate captured the views of 142 (56%) respondents from a diverse set of rural and urban counties. Opinions on the appropriateness, effectiveness and necessity of military techniques were measured.

Results indicate Texas sheriffs strongly support the use of military tools and techniques, believe they protect officer safety and should continue to be taught and utilized by law enforcement when appropriate.

Secondary consequences of police militarization may counteract its desired positive outcomes and lead to significant risks for officers and citizens alike. Strong police support makes the reduction in use of these tactics unlikely, but these results give opportunity for consideration of such policy to all law enforcement agencies.

It is the first study to examine county sheriffs' perceptions of militarization since the events of Ferguson, Missouri and provides a very recent assessment of views from a population of leaders both integrated into policy decisions and intimately accountable for policy implementation.

The purpose of this paper is to empirically test common explanations for the growth of police militarization and to determine whether federal funding, such as Byrne grants, had a significant effect on the growth and normalization of SWAT teams.

Drawing from data spanning the years 1986-1998, an interrupted time series analysis is used to assess whether federal funding has a significant influence on the growth of SWAT teams and their mobilization for narcotics grants.

The findings of this analysis suggest that, at the time where federal funding was at its peak (the year 1990), there was a significant decrease in SWAT team creation compared to the years prior. There was likewise a significant decrease in SWAT mobilization for narcotics warrant in the years following 1990.

The main limitation of this study is that unmeasured exogenous factors in the year 1990 may have influenced militarization trends. However, given the counterintuitive findings of this study, it is essential that more nuanced research is conducted regarding police militarization to gain a clearer understanding of trends in police culture. As this study finds that militarization is not significantly driven by federal funding, future research must incorporate other factors to explain police organizational change.

This paper provides an advanced empirical analysis that is one of the first to directly test commonly held explanations for police militarization. This analysis adds complexity to the issue of US police militarization and demonstrates that further research is essential in this area.

Recent USA police responses to civil rights demonstrations have drawn attention toward the 1033 Program – a military surplus transfer program from the Department of Defense (DOD) to police agencies in the USA – as well as calls for dissolution or reform of the program. However, policy decisions have been sporadic and empirical literature examining the program have relied on public data, which contain information about equipment transfers, but does not show the frequency of agencies' use of this equipment – or contexts of use – once received.

This study presents the findings of a survey of a national sample of law enforcement agencies that used the program to obtain armored vehicles, rifles, and body armor and how these agencies used this equipment in 2019 and 2020. Correlations and binary logistic regression models are tested for 2019 to examine the racial threat hypothesis and additional predictors of equipment use.

A statistically significant correlation is found between perceived percentage of Black and other race residents and the frequency of armored vehicle deployment in 2019 and between the perceived percentage of other race residents and the percentage of special weapons and tactics (SWAT) officers wearing body armor. Perceived increases in drug crimes also significantly increase the likelihood of SWAT officers carrying military rifles, with increased odds of 402.3%.

This study is the first to examine contextual data surrounding law enforcement use of 1033 Program acquisitions with a national sample, assisting in providing greater accuracy in determining predictors and outcomes of the program's use.

Human security is far more than the absence of conflict. It encompasses education and health, democracy and human rights, protection against environmental degradation and the proliferation of deadly weapons. It may be referred to as the concept of “freedom from want and fear”, which includes economic, food, health, environmental, political, community and personal security. Human insecurity, whether generated by neo‐liberal globalization, militarization, trafficking and the sex industry, social inequality, poverty, terrorism and local conflicts, is a big challenge at the beginning of the twenty‐first century, as much for developing countries as for the countries of the Atlantic Community. The interrelated challenges of human security and peace require an integrated multilateral response of the international system, a consistent human security policy that focuses on the responsibility of each and everyone. In short, it is a call for the globalization of responsibility for human security.