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This exploratory study aims to examine how online mentoring was provided through social media to support potential first‐generation Latino college students during their final year of high school and their transition into a two‐year or four‐year institution.

Using a one‐year qualitative study design, data were collected through interviews, surveys, and archived interactions on Facebook. Discourse analysis was used to code for types of social, informational, and emotional support provided.

Findings suggest that online mentoring through social media is a support system that the focal students turned to primarily for informational support, rather than for social or emotional support, and its impact seems to be contingent on the existence of conventional mentoring structures of high school counsellors, peers, and family.

High school counsellors and mentors in college outreach programs can leverage students’ presence in social media forums such as Facebook to help structure informational support (application deadlines, financial aid forms, contact information for college outreach) to help students prepare for and transition into college.

The visibility and amplification of information delivered through social media provides an untapped resource for assisting first‐generation college students in navigating the complex financial and logistical steps in transitioning to college. Its use as an additional tool for counsellors and mentors could increase matriculation and retention rates.

High school counsellors and directors of college outreach and mentoring programs could draw on findings in this paper when considering ways to integrate innovative approaches to providing mentoring support.

Over the twentieth century, the relationships between the home and the school have been considered from a number of perspectives. These include social class and children’s education (David, 1993; Halsey et al., 1980; Utting, 1995); the language of the home and school (Bernstein, 1971); involving parents in their children’s learning (David, 1993; Mortimore & Mortimore, 1984; Sylva, 1987; Wolfendale, 1983); parents’ political participation in their children’s education (Ball, 1990; David, 1993; Deem, 1989; Golby, 1989; Macleod, 1989); home-school relations and minority ethnic families (Tomlinson, 1984); gender and home-school issues (David, 1993); family structure and children’s education (Cockett & Tripp, 1994; Utting, 1995); the treatment of family in the school curriculum (Cockett & Tripp, 1994; DfEE, 2000; OFSTED, 2002; Utting, 1995); the role of school in addressing students’ family problems (Cockett & Tripp, 1994; Rodgers & Pryor, 1998); and home-school contracts (Bastiani, 1991; David, 1993; Macbeth, 1989). The range of areas outlined above alone highlights the complexities of the issues surrounding home and school.

Previous research examining the experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer (LGBTQ) youth in schools suggests that schools are not inclusive places for non-heterosexual students. Some scholars, however, suggest that a continued focus on how these young people are marginalised is itself a problem, and that research should also focus on strengths and what is working. The purpose of this paper is to examine the activities of a group of LGBTQ students in one school in Auckland, New Zealand.

The study employed a critical ethnographic approach in a diverse co-educational, public high school in Auckland, New Zealand. The researcher spent 3-5 days per week at the school throughout three terms (32 weeks) of the 2016 school year and participated, observed and interviewed students and teachers. Post-structural theory was used to analyse the ethnographic materials.

The study found that LGBTQ students actively challenged the heteronorms of their school. They met regularly to discuss issues, support each other and to plan activist initiatives. These initiatives, in turn, impacted the environment of the school and made LGBTQ students more visible. This visibility, however, also created tensions as students grappled with their identities and the public space of school.

Despite a wealth of research in education on the exclusion of young people at the intersection of gender, sexuality and other identity positions, there is very little research that reports on school-wide health promotion initiatives that both engage young people as leaders and participants in their schools, and work towards creating safe and empowering spaces for LGBTQ youth.

This article seeks to report on a research inquiry that explored the educational praxis of ethical school leaders in Chile. Behaving ethically is an imperative for school leaders. Being an ethical educational leader is something different. It is not only about behaving according to standards, but also rather involves an ethical way of being that engages the leader holistically in their attempt to do the right thing for students.

A multiple case study design was employed to gain insight into the feelings, beliefs and thoughts of ethical school leaders in Chile regarding their educational experiences. To this end, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with eight identified ethical school leaders. The data focused on the commonalities and uniqueness within and across participants.

Six main themes that reflect the experience of being ethical as a school leader in Chile were identified and included: holding personal and professional ethics as inseparable; “consistently” inspiring practice; valuing others; sustaining a humane view of education; being sensitive to the complex local context; and leading as serving.

Ethical leaders in education have been shown to influence educational contexts from a moral imperative that is grounded in a critical and humanistic concern that deeply affirms “others” as a common good. Becoming and being an ethical leader is indeed an experiential journey that integrates the leader's personal and professional way of being. The findings provide key elements of ethical leadership within a Chilean school context that can influence current and future school leaders' practices and professional development.

American educators have plenty to worry them in the higher and further education sector. Discussions with administrators and student personnel workers have highlighted a number of topics which have relevance to us in this country. Many young people are asking for their higher education to be more vocationally relevant; so they are questioning the desirability of spending four years in a Liberal Arts College studying subjects which have no bearing upon ultimate careers. There has been over‐production of PhDs in certain subjects, and the economic argument for higher education is much less powerful nowadays than it was a decade ago when young people could be persuaded to aspire to a College education because it would pay off over a lifetime's employment.

This chapter considers the development and current state of special education in New Zealand. The chapter provides a critique of current policies and practices regarding special and inclusive education for children with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND). It describes how New Zealand has followed similar patterns to other developed countries with regard to how special education facilities and specialist teacher training have evolved, and how the trend towards inclusive education has progressed. It points out that New Zealand has gone further in the inclusion of children with SEND within mainstream schools than most developed countries and that, at the same time, there has been less development of provision for children with SEND in mainstream schools. That has led to a situation where many children with SEND, who are in the lowest 20% of achievers, are not getting the specialist help that they need. As a result New Zealand has one of the largest gaps between high achieving and low achieving children in the developed world.

Medical research indicates a prevalence of approximately 1 per cent for both anorexia and bulimia nervosa among adolescent females, with most new cases diagnosed in mid‐ to late adolescence. This age group embraces the upper end of the secondary school population. Based on the current prevalence rates, it is likely that in a typical comprehensive school of between 1,500 and 2,000 pupils, up to 20 could have an eating disorder. Larger numbers of pupils will have developed some of the symptoms of an eating disorder. These may include restricting food intake, weight loss, self‐induced vomiting, chewing and spitting out food, and bouts of chaotic overeating. While these do not constitute all the symptoms necessary to make a diagnosis of eating disorder, they may be regarded as either a “subclinical” variation of the illness or the early manifestation of an eating disorder. For many pupils, the antecedents of an eating disorder will be in place at a very young age. The number of pupils suffering from eating disorders and the long‐term co‐existing diseases (such as osteoporosis) which develop as a result of them raise a number of important issues for schools and teachers working with secondary school aged‐pupils ‐ particularly, the role schools and teachers should play in the prevention, early detection and intervention of eating disorders.

Persistent concern for equal opportunities in higher education and the significant decline of Universities' enrolment across Canada in the late 1970's increasingly prompted researchers to focus upon a growing group of high school students who were undecided whether they should proceed with further studies or whether they should join the labour market. Data for the present study were obtained from 374 males and 423 female high school students close to graduation. Crucial socio‐economic factors, school factors and intra‐personal variables affecting their perceived probability for further education in future were identified and their conceptual causal linkages were empirically examined in two separate path analyses. Some striking similarities were located between male and female students indicating that socio‐economic factors play dominant roles accountng for the types of school activities they engaged in. These in turn exerted considerable influence upon their educational plans and aspirations. Extreme pragmatic outlooks, new lifestyles characteristic of students' subculture, and inaccurate assessment of the educational level required for the professions to which they aspired were important deterring factors to further studies for both groups of students. On the other hand, family size, maturity and school achievement had varying degrees of impact on the two groups. Strategies aiming at more effective guidance of students' choice were entertained.

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the health‐promoting and stigma‐reducing effect of the German school‐based programme “Crazy? So what!”.

A quasi‐experimental longitudinal control‐study was carried out with assessments one week prior to the school programme, immediately after it and three months later. A total of 210 Year 9 and 10 students (aged 13‐18 years) were surveyed in four schools in Saxony, Germany. Data analysis was done descriptively based on frequency distributions. Random effects regression models for unbalanced panel data were used to estimate the change of the outcome variables over time.

At baseline, only 5.2 per cent of the intervention group would talk with their teacher about a mental health problem. Immediately after the programme, this number increased to 10.6 per cent and after three months to 17.9 per cent. There was also a positive, short‐term effect on students' social distance, i.e. an increase in positive attitudes towards those with a mental illness, but this was not sustained over time. By contrast, self‐efficacy proved resistant to change.

This school programme is successful in that the “experts on their own behalf” (young people, who have gone through mental illness) were able to encourage and reassure others on how to face a mental health crisis with more confidence, which also contributes to strengthening students' resilience. The results of this study indicate the importance of sensitising children and youth, but also teachers and other adults to mental health.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the role of both the school counselor and the school psychologist in preparing students in urban school settings for college and/or the workforce. Throughout this paper, the authors discuss how collaboration is critical to ensuring students are successful at every school level (e.g., elementary, middle and high) to avail themselves of various postsecondary opportunities upon graduation. The authors give recommendations for practice and future research to implement and increase knowledge around collaboration between school counselors and school psychologists in preparing students in urban school settings to be college- and career-ready.

This is a conceptual paper on school counselors and school psychologists using the Eight Components of College and Career Readiness Framework to collaborate on preparing students for postsecondary options.

With support from key stakeholders like administrators, teachers and parents, school counselors and school psychologists can work collaboratively to increase students’ college and career readiness. For example, school counselors and school psychologists may start by creating and implementing a needs assessment, as it relates to the developmental tasks of students (i.e. self-regulation, self-efficacy, self-competence) that must be negotiated to ensure college and career readiness. School counselors and school psychologists should also examine out-of-school suspension, expulsion, school arrest and disciplinary referral data (Carter et al., 2014).

Collaboration around college and career readiness is important to the academic success and future of students in urban school settings. School counselors and school psychologists complement each other in preparing students for college and the workforce because their training has prepared both for addressing academic needs, assessment, mental health issues, career development, behavioral concerns and social–emotional needs of students (American School Counselor Association, 2012; National Association of School Psychologists, 2014). Further, school counselors and school psychologists are in a pivotal position to create a college-going culture by using evidence-based activities, curricula and practices.