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The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) stands as a significant player in the hydrocarbon landscape of the Middle East, necessitating an in-depth analysis of its role in the exportation process to Turkey and Mediterranean ports, thereby fostering economic and political ties and projecting toward the future. Situated as a semi-autonomous entity in northern Iraq, the Kurdistan Region boasts abundant natural gas resources, attracting interest from Russian firms and Turkish stakeholders. However, Iran’s influence in Iraq and the wider region poses a regional threat to the Kurdistan Region’s natural resources. This chapter meticulously examines the oil and gas blocks within the Kurdistan Region amidst the backdrop of transformative global energy market shifts, including the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian–Ukrainian conflict. Through this lens, it seeks to delineate the Kurdistan Region’s political and economic positioning within the evolving regional order.

The Eastern Mediterranean’s energy reserves have ushered in a new era of economic, military, and political dynamics, both locally and globally. While the trade in natural gas has reshaped the region’s economic landscape, it has also sparked heightened tensions and security concerns. Positioned at the crossroads of Europe, Asia Minor, and Africa, the Eastern Mediterranean now serves as a nexus for political, military, and economic interests. This chapter explores how the region’s eastern and southern shores have historically been a battleground for competing political ideologies, economic systems, and military arsenals, notably those of the United States and the Soviet Union. It delves into the complexities of foreign intervention by nations and organizations, with a particular focus on the roles of the United States, Russia, and NATO’s Mediterranean Initiative. Additionally, the chapter evaluates the theoretical frameworks of international relations, including neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, and regional security complex theories, to elucidate the dynamics of hydrocarbon competitions in the Eastern Mediterranean and their implications for energy security.

This chapter argues that football is central to specific regional, hegemonic masculinities within colonial histories and continuities in South India. Through ethnographic narratives of a prominent football figure associated with the Malabar Special Police, this chapter shows how different performances of a particular mode of masculinity draw power from multiple sites such as regional class networks, colonial legacies, and postcolonial sport. This work demonstrates how a (post) colonial space shores up the powers associated with a male sporting figure. The regional format of a sport is as important as the global format in producing regional, hegemonic masculinity. Analysing the powers and aura associated with this sporting figure helps one to understand the specific meanings of desire and aspirations for status and stability among a section of men in a South Indian context.

The purpose of this study is to cover the change that happened in the American foreign policy toward Iran by changing the American leadership from Obama to Trump. In addition to its coverage for the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region during the presidency period of Obama in the USA and also during the presidency period of Trump, to discover whether a change has happened in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region is a result of the change in the American foreign policy or not. This can be discovered by concentrating on Yemen, Syria and Iraq, taking into consideration the Iranian and American national interests in the Arab region, as well as the regional role of Iran and its intervention in the Arab region.

This study was based on the analytical method of the foreign policy that is based on analyzing facts and events, as well as analyzing the roles and interests within the framework of the states’ foreign policy. This method was used in the study for the purpose of analyzing the impact of the change in the American leadership from Obama to Trump on the US foreign policy toward Iran in the light of the American interest; in addition to the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region (Yemen, Syria and Iraq) in the presidency period of both Obama and Trump in light of the regional role of Iran and its passion to achieve its national interest.

The study concluded that the change in the American foreign policy toward Iran is a result of the change of the American leadership from Obama to Trump by the American interest requirements in accordance to the respective of both of them. The change in the American policy led to a change in the trends of the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region in the term of the regional Iranian role. Under the American and Iranian convergence in the period of Obama, the Iranian role in the Arab region was limited to what could achieve its national interest and what did not threaten the American interest, especially after Iran had guaranteed that the USA is by its side. In the framework of the American and Iranian confrontation under Trump’s current presidency, the Iranian role has expanded in the Arab region, where Iran has intensified its intervention in Yemen, Syria and Iraq politically and militarily. Iran became more threatening to the American interest, as it became a means of pressure to the USA under Trump’s ruling in the purpose of changing its position toward it.

The importance of the study stems from the fact that it is seeking to analyze the change of the American foreign policy toward Iran within the period of two different presidential years of Obama and Trump, whereas, their trends were different in dealing with Iran between rapprochement and hostility toward it, on the basis of the American interest. In addition to testing whether this change in the American foreign policy toward Iran has been accompanied by a change in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region.

The geopolitical significance of the Mediterranean Sea transcends regional security and energy supply, profoundly impacting global security dynamics. Daily headlines underscore the plight of migrants from the Middle East and North Africa crossing the Mediterranean, exacerbating humanitarian crises and European identity challenges. Environmental concerns are further heightened by the abundance of global ports facilitating oil and goods transportation, alongside the staggering number of tourists flocking to the Mediterranean coast annually. This chapter serves as a gateway to the book, exploring the concept of “geopolitics” and delineating its characteristics. It specifically delves into the political economy of the Eastern Mediterranean and the geopolitical obstacles to energy security in the region. The chapter strategically selects four primary issues to dissect the region’s conflict complexity: the Syrian crisis, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the unresolved Cyprus dispute, and the Lebanon–Israel conflict over water border demarcation.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze whether and how intergovernmental fiscal transfers (IFTs) affect technological innovation.

China’s provincial panel data from 2007 to 2019 are used in an empirical study to examine the effect of IFTs on technological innovation and the role of fiscal spending policy in the relationship between the two by using the spatial Durbin model.

Results show an evident spatial correlation for the effect of IFTs on technological innovation, indicating that IFTs have a significant negative influence on technological innovation in local and surrounding regions. IFTs also inhibit technological innovation by negatively affecting science and technology spending and education spending.

These findings can aid policymakers in advancing technological innovation by improving the system of fiscal transfers and optimizing the structure of fiscal spending.

Although the determinants of technological innovation have been analyzed, no studies have investigated the effect of IFTs on technological innovation. Thus, this paper aims to address this gap.

Regional economic integrations bring many economic benefits to member countries. In international competition, there are integrations that make it easier for countries to reach their goals and attract attention with their effectiveness today. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is one of the main important regional economic integrations. This chapter details the relations Turkey can establish with the EAEU by considering the import and export data between Turkey and Russia. The research of recent data will discuss how Turkey's trade relations with Russia strengthen the EAEU and what kind of relationship will be possible in the future, considering commercial and economic integrations that are already included, as well as geographical and historical elements. This chapter will assess the potential relationship that can be established with the EAEU, given the strengthening of trade ties between Turkey and Russia. This chapter highlights the alternatives for the harmonization of Turkey's potential cooperation with the EAEU, which is planning a development strategy.