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In this paper, the impact of the 2004 European Union accession on income inequalities within New Member States is analyzed.

An empirical analysis is conducted with nine New Member States over the period 1991–2015, with 55 economies serving as a control group. The newly introduced (by de Chaisemartin and D’Haultfœuille, 2023) method belonging to the family of difference-in-differences (DID) estimators is applied to allow for multiple non-binary treatments.

While accession to the European Union had a positive and significant impact on the market and net Gini coefficients in the treated countries, no evidence of the impact of accession on redistribution was found. Single-unit estimates signal that income inequalities rose due to EU membership in some member countries; the most convincing evidence shows that income distribution in Latvia was especially affected.

The author applied the method which addresses the presence of multiple non-binary treatments. Full-fledged membership was preceded by association status, and accession to the EU was accompanied or followed by engagement in other layers of integration (European Monetary Union and Schengen Area). Controlling for these features, the author was able to assess whether the pure EU effect contributed to increases in income inequalities.

The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) use indicators in an attempt to foster policy integration and coherence in order to achieve transformative societal change. But the SDGs, like their predecessor Millennium Goals, have not been entirely successful in this effort. Many studies have identified continuing challenges to integrating multiple goals in this way, linked to the complex patterns of interaction between the goals and the nature of the policy systems and subsystems in which they operate. This chapter builds on the policy design literature to argue that the main aim of the SDGs is to reconcile what are otherwise incoherent policy goals and inconsistent policy instruments in a process of policy integration. This process is made more complex in the case of this kind of “super-wicked” problem in which multiple actors face time constraints across multiple policy levels, sectors and venues. It identifies four different techniques for policy integration in such policy nexuses – policy harmonization, mainstreaming, coordination, and institutionalization – and assesses their possibilities for success in the SDG case against what is possible given the nature of the nexus and the capacity of governments to deal with it. The paper contributes to the current literature on policy integration, wicked problems, and the SDGs by further conceptualizing how integrative strategies can be better designed and implemented through capacity-building efforts aimed at developing coordinative relationships within conflict-ridden, multi-actor and multilevel cross-sectoral policy domains.

Cross-border e-commerce continues to garner much attention within the international marketing literature as the world becomes hyperconnected through digital channels. Although there is an abundance of international marketing research on cross-border e-commerce, there is a lack of information regarding the influences of meta-institutional factors, such as a country’s level of globalization, on the relationship between digital advertising and cross-border e-commerce buyers. The objective of this research is to examine the effects of digital media ad spend at the country level on cross-border e-commerce buyers across countries under differing degrees of formal (i.e. political) and informal (i.e. cultural) institutional globalization.

This work examines the influence of digital ad spend at the country level and the degree of the country’s formal and informal institutional globalization on the share of cross-border e-commerce buyers. We examine this issue within a 21-country, 8-year, unbalanced panel dataset.

We find that there is substantive heterogeneity in degrees of formal (i.e. political) and informal (i.e. cultural) institutional globalization and cross-border e-commerce across countries. Digital ad spend at the country level is positively associated with cross-border e-commerce buyers within a country. A country’s level of political globalization enhances, but cultural globalization was found to dampen the positive association. The results indicate that political and cultural globalization of a country both contribute to increased interconnectedness with the global market, yet the nature of the interconnection differs.

The findings are informative to international marketing managers navigating the digital landscape and highlight the importance of institutions in international marketing activities. The study specifically demonstrates the varying effects of the meta-institutional factors of a country’s level of political and cultural globalization on the association between digital ad spend and cross-border e-commerce buyers at the country level, across a wide variety of countries, thus also contributing to the effort to improve generalizations from multi-country comparisons in international marketing research.

This study aims to investigate the drivers of political embeddedness and the possible outcome in terms of autonomy and subsidiary unique competences.

This study draws on resource dependence theory and applies structural equation modeling on a sample of 193 subsidiaries.

Political embeddedness is confirmed as a source of potential autonomy and the development of competences and is usually boosted by previous existing networks at the internal and external levels.

The authors investigate and discuss how multinational corporations can leverage political resources in host-country political arenas, extending their understanding of the interplay between political activities and market strategies.

This chapter aims to improve the mechanisms of economic integration between Russia and Cuba. The methodology used by the author in this chapter is mainly composed of the method of historical-comparative, inductive, and analytical-synthetic analysis. The author used the existing information on the internet and other analyzed references. Additionally, the author qualitatively analyzed the opinions of various experts and drew conclusions. Regional integration is examined conceptually as a basis for a better understanding of integration processes. The research provides historical data after including Cuba in the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), considering this structure as the first one with characteristics of an economic integration structure. Next, the author considered the post-Soviet stage until the present. Statistical data according to the Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC) summary are provided. These data correspond to the periods from 2018 to 2021 and show the statistics of exports, imports, and other important indicators between the two countries. Based on the analysis, it is necessary to update the integration mechanisms to reduce tariff rates, promote free trade between the two countries, and increase the participation of Russian companies in the Mariel Special Development Zone (ZED Mariel), Havana, Cuba.

This retrospective phenomenological case study examines the experiences of 18 politicians who participated in a political campaign using performing arts and artists in a regional heads and legislators in Indonesia. Also, the role of Gandrung art as a performing art is becoming a political communication tool for political actors in Indonesia.

This study employs a retrospective phenomenological case. The informants recruited were 18 politicians who have local, regional and national political levels. The participants were interviewed about their experiences of campaigning using traditional performing arts as a form of political communication. Data collection techniques used in this study include interviews and photo documentation during the campaign process to triangulate findings.

Based on a case study analysis and through thematic analysis, this research reveals three emerging themes which indicate that performing arts function as political communication tools in three significant ways: (1) as a form of artistic expression for conveying political messages through movement and the use of dancer costumes; (2) as a medium for showcasing cultural identity and representation as a form of concern for the local culture of voters; and (3) as a means to garner mass appeal and propagate political propaganda.

The study has two limitations. First, the study only interviewed a small number of participants. Thus, generalization for wider contexts of politicians is not possible. Second, the study focuses on examining the voice of politicians and analyzing it using thematic analysis.

There is a scarcity of research that specifically focuses on uncovering the perspectives of politicians who employ performing arts as a political communication tool. This study contributes to the understanding that art performance is inherently non-neutral, highlighting how performing arts can actively engage in political communication by conveying messages, shaping cultural identity and influencing public opinion in the context of Indonesia.

The purpose of the paper is to produce new knowledge about the positions that public libraries both take and are given in the conflicts over politics and identity that play out in contemporary cultural and library policy debates. Using conflicts over drag story hour at public libraries as case, the study seeks to contribute to an emerging body of research that delves into the challenges that public libraries as promoters of democracy are confronting in the conflictual political landscape of today.

The paper presents an analysis of debates reported in news articles concerning Drag story hour events held at Swedish public libraries. Utilizing the analytical lenses of discourse theory and plural agonistics, the analysis serves to make visible the lines of conflicts drawn in these debates – particularly focusing on the intersection of different meanings ascribed to the notion of the reading child, and how fear is constructed and used as an othering devise in these conflicts.

Different imaginings of the reading child and the construction and imagination of fear and safety shapes the Drag story hour debates. The controversies can be understood as a challenge to the previous hegemony regarding the direction and goals of Swedish cultural and library policy and the pluralistic democratic society these policies are meant to promote.

The paper offers new insights into the consequences of the revival of radical right politics, populism and societal polarization, and the different responses from public libraries.

This article analyses the effect of bank concentration on women's political empowerment in 80 developing countries over the period 2004–2020.

Banking concentration (BC) is measured by the assets held by the three largest commercial banks as a percentage of total commercial bank assets in a country. We use several indices to measure political empowerment, namely: the political empowerment index, composed of three indices (i.e. the women's civil liberties index, the women's participation in civil society index and the women's political participation index). The empirical evidence is based on the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Fixed Effects (FE) techniques.

The following findings are established. Banking concentration reduces women's political empowerment. Furthermore, information sharing offices (i.e. public credit registries and private credit bureaus) mitigate the negative effect of bank concentration on women’s political empowerment. Information sharing thresholds that are needed to completely dampen the negative effect of bank concentration on women’s political empowerment are provided. Policy implications are discussed, notably: (1) that governments in developing countries increase competition by easing barriers to entry for potential banks, to facilitate the transition from confiscatory concentration to distributive concentration favorable to all stakeholders; and (2) information sharing offices should be consolidated beyond the established thresholds in order to completely crowd-out the unfavorable effect of bank concentration of women’s political empowerment.

The paper provides new empirical evidence that helps to advance the debate on the effects of banking concentration and information sharing in the banking sector on women's political empowerment in developing countries.

The current political situation in Europe has amplified economic sanctions as a retaliatory measure for states not directly involved in the conflict but wanting to influence the political situation. The purpose of this paper is to further understand the interplay of the neutrality principle and employment of economic sanctions.

Through an extensive literature review, heavily based on the publications of the Swiss Confederacy, neutrality as a foreign policy serving to promote Swiss interests is explored. The room for interpretation and freedom of action in the neutrality principle is highlighted above all.

Economic sanctions are compatible with the neutrality principle, but do not necessarily further the same purpose. Political pressure to participate in sanctions does not take into consideration the ways in which the credibility of neutrality can be implicated, as well as the value of protecting Switzerland’s role as an international mediator.

The consistency with which the neutrality principle is translated into the modern geopolitical context is crucial for its longevity. The novelty of the current political sanctions, still unfolding, demands a careful examination into the history of neutrality and the use of sanctions. No better insight can be offered than by the development of neutrality in the history of the titan of neutrality, Switzerland.