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The purpose of this paper is to calculate regional contents in the exports of the major regional blocs to the world, Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPP), and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), respectively, to find the backward trade linkages between them instead of normal forward linkages.

To calculate “a region” content in intermediate and value-added exports, this paper uses OECD’s inter-country input-output table (ICIOT), and tries to decompose the contents of trade. Using the information of ICIOT, Koopman et al. (2014) and Wang et al. (2013) decompose gross exports of a country’s exports.

TPP is a loosely tied bloc featured by openness to the Asia-Pacific region. Trade linkages between members are stronger in RCEP than those in TPP, particularly in the trade of intermediate goods. Trades in RCEP are closely connected to exports to TPP, but the opposite direction is not clear.

First of all, the recent base year of the data on value added in trade is 2011, which can be regarded as a little bit out of date. Therefore, it should be cautious in interpreting the results in that it may not reflect the characteristics of current trade. Second, this paper uses ICOIT instead of world input-output table.

A large portion of trades in RCEP and TPP is triggered by a global production network (fragmentation, vertical specialization), different from traditional trade focusing on inter-industry trade or competition between countries. Thus, the formation of TPP or RCEP is predicted to stimulate trade of the other instead of discriminating nonmember countries.

In particular, the authors have special concern in the backward linkages between RCEP and TPP, the distinct characteristics of the two regional blocs and, finally, major countries’ preferences of the one over the other and industrial conflicts toward TPP or RCEP even in an economy.

Although this paper uses the approach by Baldwin and Lopez-Gonzalez, this paper is the first research on the analysis of the export contents in major trading blocs in the Asia-Pacific region.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate effects on global supply chain reconfigured in the customs duty rate of parts and specific material types brought about by Brexit and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).

The supply chain network is modeled and formulated using mixed integer programming. Numerical experiments are conducted using bill of materials with information such as the procurement cost of each part, 3D-CAD and an industry census.

The experiments indicates that if the customs duty rate increases by Brexit, manufacturers would be necessary to restructure supply chain configuration and locate the domestic factory and market. Additionally, when the UK leaves the EU and joins the TPP, there is a case where the total cost decreases in the global supply chain network compared to the baseline without Brexit. Therefore, it is reasonable for the UK to join the TPP.

The study shows how new trading rules from non-partnership countries can critically disrupt existing global supply chain equilibrium. Asian manufacturers should evaluate a move to more local sourcing, opening new facilities and setting up warehouses to stock finished goods or raw materials in different trading areas to overcome any barriers to the goods movement.

This study enables us to quantitatively evaluate what there are opportunities or cost increasing risks by the selection of supply chain configuration for Asian manufacturers by political and economic factors of each country, such as Brexit and participation in TPP.

Two questions broadly drove this research: Donald Trump promised to fix the economy and create jobs, and he is ending or renegotiating trade treaties. Is he creating more jobs? How can Trump create a more inclusive economy? The paper aims to discuss these issues.

This paper closely examines Trump’s economic policies and draws from past Democratic and Republication track records to explain how Trump’s policies will contribute to greater income inequality.

By all measures, President Trump fails on measures of equality, diversity, and inclusion.

This original paper examines the implications of the Trump administration’s policies in the areas of tax cuts (for small- and medium-sized enterprises rather than large corporations), incentives to support small business growth, entrepreneurship training, education and skills training (to retool Americans), and infrastructure spending.

The purpose of this paper is to review the literature concerning impact on public health of the dispute resolution system in international trade agreements. Its purpose is to alert readers about controversial aspects of ISDS in these international agreements, aspects that are well-documented in publications likely unfamiliar to most public health professionals.

The paper takes the form of a narrative review.

While trade agreements offer potential economic benefits overall, the history thus far regarding impact on public health is worrisome. It is not difficult to find examples that deter public health from achieving important health protection regulation.

There are over 3,000 existing international trade agreements with more on the horizon. New proposed agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership increase the number of countries involved; inconsistencies and lack of adequate transparency puts much at stake.

It is doubtful that the global public health communities, including both public health agencies and academic public health institutions, have sufficiently been involved as stakeholders in past and pending trade agreements.

Misinformation can influence decision-making by fueling individual's belief, prejudices, and stereotypes. In the context of international trade, misinformation refers to the spread of false or misleading information and facts mostly with the malicious intent of maligning reputation of products, services, trade policies of a country and thus negatively influencing liberal trade policies toward that country. Stereotypes and prejudices fueled by misinformation coupled with economic nationalism and populism cast a dark shadow over the liberal international order. Exaggerated claims about unfair trade practices laced with stereotypes, prejudices, and misinformation can fuel tensions and may eventually lead to trade dispute and retaliatory action such as the imposition of tariffs or breakdown of trade blocs. Fake News, as a term, came into prominence recently during the 2016 US elections. The spread of fake news during the election generated remarkable interest among researchers. While most research focused on the effect of misinformation, a few studies have shown the influence of misinformation in changing trade preferences. The intricate connection among trading partners can propagate misinformation. Misinformation can lead policymakers to undertake protectionist policies. However, policies driven by misinformation, taken by major economies, can have strong rippling effects on other trading partners because of their strong network connectedness. Therefore, it motivates us to understand and evaluate international trade in terms of network statistics. This chapter provides an in-depth analysis of the network effects of some major and emerging economic powers involved in bilateral or multilateral trade agreements.

Why do managers redesign global supply chains in a particular manner when faced with compounding geopolitical disruptions? In answering this research question, this study identifies a constrained system of reasoning (decision-making logic) employed by managers when they redesign their supply chains in situations of heightened uncertainty.

The authors conducted 40 elite interviews with senior supply chain executives in 28 companies across nine industries from November 2019 to June 2020, when the UK was preparing to leave the European Union, the US–China trade war was escalating, and Covid-19 was spreading rapidly around the globe.

When redesigning global supply chains, the authors find that managerial decision-making logic is constrained by three distinct environmental ecosystem conditions: (1) the perceived intensity of institutional pressures; (2) the relative mobility of suppliers and supply chain assets; and (3) the perceived severity of the potential disruption risk. Intense government pressure and persistent geopolitical risk tend to impact firms in the same industry, resulting in similar approaches to decision-making regarding supply chain design. However, where suppliers are relatively immobile and supply chain assets are relatively fixed, a dominant logic is consistently present.

Building on an institutional logics perspective, this study finds that managerial decision-making under heightened uncertainty is not solely guided by institutional pressures but also by perceptions of the severity of risk related to potential supply chain disruption and the immobility of supply chain assets. These findings support the theoretical development of a novel construct that the authors term ‘supply chain logics’. Finally, this study provides a decision-making framework for Senior Executives competing in an increasingly complex and unstable business environment.