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Cross-border students – children who are permanent residents of Hong Kong but live on the mainland and travel across the border to school every day – have been an important social, educational and political issue in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, current discussions regarding this issue focus mainly on the group of students whose parents are Chinese residents and seldom examine the wider contribution of social, geo-political, global-economic and policy changes to the phenomenon. These shortcomings have limited the understanding of the role of the state and the varied needs of these child migrants from diverse family backgrounds. This paper aims to address these gaps.

It proposes to bring changing border and immigration policies in Hong Kong back into the current analysis and offers a case study of border history. It revisits publications on Hong Kong’s immigration and migration policies, official statistics and government policy papers and (re)constructs the border changes that took place during the period from 1950 to 2013, which led to the rise and complexity of cross-border students.

This critical historical review offers two important findings: First, it reveals how the government, through its restrictive and liberalized border regulations, has constrained and produced different types of cross-border families. Second, it shows that cross-border students come from diverse family configurations, which have adopted cross-border schooling as a family strategy.

These findings underscore the importance of historical perspective, the wider context in migration studies, the centrality of the state in migrant families and a differentiated understanding of child migrants.

While current scholarship on innovation typically examines its antecedents, the purpose of this paper is to provide a more complete account by advocating for social impacts as a critical component of the sociological study of innovation.

This study adopts a conceptual approach to illustrate the ways in which innovation may generate unequitable outcomes. The authors illustrate the purpose of the paper by discussing strategically selected examples that are intended to reflect prominent themes and topics in the relevant literature.

The analysis suggests that while innovation yields many positive benefits, pervasive narratives about its virtues can be overstated when, in fact, innovation may generate adverse effects for particular social groups by reproducing or exacerbating inequality. The authors provide a more complete account of innovation by naming social impacts as a critical component of its sociological study and discussing examples that illustrate how innovation can produce disadvantageous effects by race, gender and social class. The authors move forward the discussion of social impacts by elaborating conditions in which innovation is likely to reproduce the status quo as well as ameliorate negative impacts.

While many studies have explained the conditions that foster innovation, this study pushes the boundaries of the study of innovation – a timely topic for practitioners and scholars in the fields of not only sociology, but management, education and public policy. Accordingly, we move forward the discussion of the social impacts of innovation by identifying the ways in which innovation is likely to reproduce structural inequalities.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the proportional representation of men and women in a group, along with the gender‐orientation of the group's task, can impact member displays of helping behavior.

The paper draws on the gender role socialization approach, the structural approach to gender differences, as well as the social psychology‐based perspective embedded in status characteristics or expectation states theory. Elements taken from each of these models permits assessment of the impact of gender, group gender composition and the gender orientation of the task on helping behavior in a group context.

There is ample evidence to confirm the critical importance of member citizenship behavior in contributing to overall team performance.

Given the presence of increasingly demographically diverse teams, it is vital to understand those factors that may enhance or inhibit helping behavior in the group context. This theory paper presents a model which examines how the gender composition of a team, as well as the gendered nature of the team's work, can influence citizenship behavior among team members who are in the numerical minority.

This paper offers a unique and novel approach to understanding the dynamics behind helping behavior in mixed gender teams.

The object of this research is the reconstruction of the existing legal response by European Union states to the phenomenon of immigration. It seeks to analyse the process of conferral of protection.

One main dimension is selected and discussed: the case law of the national courts. The study focuses on the legal status of immigrants resulting from the intervention of these national courts.

The research shows that although the courts have conferred an increasing protection on immigrants, this has not challenged the fundamental principle of the sovereignty of the states to decide, according to their discretionary prerogatives, which immigrants are allowed to enter and stay in their territories. Notwithstanding the differences in the general constitutional and legal structures, the research also shows that the courts of the three countries considered – France, Germany and Spain – have progressively moved towards converging solutions in protecting immigrants.

The research contributes to a better understanding of the different legal orders analysed.

This study aims to examine women’s organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs) or the voluntary, discretionary behaviors employees perform that are not linked to their reward system but benefit organizations. Specifically, it investigates several attitudinal and organizational antecedents relative to two sub-dimensions of OCB: organizational loyalty and helping behaviors.

Alumnae (n = 160) responded to an e-mail survey regarding their self-reported OCBs, job satisfaction, work engagement and several demographic and organizational variables.

In this fiscal climate, organizations are challenged with fostering an environment encouraging employees to go beyond job requirements. Findings here suggest that married women who are engaged in work have the highest propensity to do this by engaging in these non-compensated, non-mandated behaviors. However, importantly, differences were found between organizational loyalty citizenship and helping behaviors. An inverse relationship was also found between job tenure and helping behaviors: an interesting result.

An important implication of the research is the dissection and examination of two sub-dimensions of OCB (i.e. organizational loyalty and helping), providing a better understanding of the dimensionality of the phenomenon and how they relate to job satisfaction and work engagement for a significant segment of the American workforce: women.

This study examines the dimensionality of OCB (as called for by previous research) and establishes that not all OCBs can be treated equally, as antecedents vary in their predictability of OCB engagement. Further, this research investigates the relationship between individual job satisfaction components (pay, recognition and supervision) and OCBs to help clarify conflicting findings between OCB and this key workplace attitude.

State‐sponsored ethnic discrimination is in danger of undermining the complex mix of indigenous ethnic minorities which make up the Latvian labour market. Systematic labour market discrimination has resulted from restrictive legislation on citizenship and language which preserves a substantial list of jobs for citizens and Latvian speakers. A naturalisation process has been introduced for permanent residents, but the procedures associated with it also discriminate against the 45 per cent of the population who are Russian speakers. This paper presents a systematic account of these developments and highlights the economic, social and political dangers inherent in the legislation, and in the recent shift in the educational system to tuition in Latvian only.

Introduction This study investigates the impact of extra‐organisational or “new structuralist” factors on the employment status of women in Canada. Employment status is measured by the representation ratio, inter‐occupational segregation index, intra‐occupational status index and the salary advantage index. In this article, “new structuralist” factors (organisational context and external environmental factors) hypothesised as contributing to the employment status of women are described. The results of statistical analyses of the relationships between employment status measures and a specified set of “new structuralist” variables are presented.

The authors’ aim is to establish the variance of youth welfare citizenship regimes in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and to revisit the applicability of the regime approach to the emerging welfare regimes (EWRs).

The empirical analysis follows the descriptive case study strategy aiming to discover diversity of youth welfare citizenship patterns. The case selection is made within the CEE country group, which includes countries in Central Europe, the Baltics, Eastern Europe and Southeast Europe, all sharing the communist past. The subdivision of these countries in reference to the welfare states can be made via the European Union (EU) membership based on the assumption that EU social policy frameworks and recommendations have an important effect on domestic policies. We included countries which are in the EU, i.e., with a similar political and economic transition path. There were three waves of accession to the EU in CEE countries. In the first wave (2004), all the Baltic countries, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and Slovenia joined. In the second wave (2007), Romania and Bulgaria joined. Finally, Croatia joined the EU in 2013. Altogether 11 CEE countries are the EU members today, the remaining CEE countries are non-EU members and thus are excluded from the current research. Those countries which are part of the EU share similarities in social and economic reforms during the pre-accession period and after in order to reach a comparatively similar system with other member states. So, in terms of casing strategy these six countries can be named as emerging welfare regimes (EWRs) evolving transformations across different public policy areas. Handpicking of six countries out of 11 relies on the assumption that the Anglo-Saxon welfare system characteristics are more evident in the Baltic countries (Aidukaite, 2019; Aidukaite et al., 2020; Ainsaar et al., 2020; Rajevska and Rajevska, 2020) and Slovenia, while in Bulgaria and Croatia certain outcomes reflect the Bismarckian principles of social security (Hrast and Rakar, 2020; Stoilova and Krasteva, 2020; Dobrotić, 2020). This brings important variety into our analysis logic. Last but not least, we juxtapose six CEE EWR countries under analysis with six mature welfare regime countries representing different welfare regime types. Those mature welfare regime countries (Finland, Sweden, France, Germany, Italy, UK) are not an explicit object of the study but help to put analysed CEE EWR cases into larger context and thus, reflect upon theoretical claims of the welfare regime literature.

The authors can confirm that the EWR countries can be rather well explained by the welfare citizenship typology and complement the existing knowledge on youth welfare regime typology clusters in the Western Europe. Estonia is clustered close to the Nordic countries, whereas Latvia, Lithuania, Croatia and Slovenia are close to the Bismarckian welfare model despite rather flexible, non-restricted educational path, universal child and student support. Bulgaria is an outlier; however, it is clustered together with mature Mediterranean welfare regimes. Former intact welfare regime clusters are becoming more diverse. The authors’ findings confirm that there is no any intact cluster of the “post-communist” welfare regime and Eastern European countries are today “on move”.

Altogether 11 CEE countries are the EU members today. The remaining CEE countries are non-EU members and thus are excluded from the current research. Those countries which are part of the EU share similarities in social and economic reforms during the pre-accession period and after in order to reach a comparatively similar system with other member states. At least one CEE country was chosen based on existing theoretical knowledge on the welfare regime typology (Anglo Saxon, Beveridgean, Bismarckian) for the Post-communist country groups.

In the social citizenship dimension we dropped social assistance schemes and tax-relief indices and included poverty risk and housing measures. Youth poverty together with housing showed rather clear distinction between familialized and individualised countries and thus, made the typology stronger. In the economic dimension the preliminary picture was much fuzzier, mainly due to the comprehensive education in the region and intervention of the EU in domestic ALMPs (and VET) reforms. The authors added a new indicator (pro-youth orientation of ALMP) in order better to capture youth-sensitivity of policy.

The authors included a working poverty measure (in-work poverty rate) in order to reflect labour market insecurity as an increasing concern. Yet, the analysis results were still mixed and new indicators did not help locating the regime types.

In order to improve the validity of the youth welfare citizenship regime economic dimension, Chevalier's (2020) model may also be worth revisiting. The authors argue that this dichotomy is not sufficient, because inclusive type can have orientation towards general skills or occupational skills (i.e. monitored or enabling citizenship clusters), which is currently ignored. Chevalier (2020) furthermore associates inclusive economic citizenship with “coordinated market economies” (referring to Hall and Soskice, 2001), which seems hardly hold validity in the Nordic and at least some CEE countries.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of documentation on the educational experiences, college readiness and aspirations of undocumented Latinx migrant and seasonal farmworkers.

This ethnographic study was conducted in a High School Equivalency Program at a large university in the Midwest. Data was collected during two semesters across a three-year span. Participants included six Mexican migrant and seasonal farmworkers who were preparing to earn their General Educational Development (GED) diploma. Using the grounded theory, data was collected and analyzed simultaneously where initial and focused coding took place, followed by cross-case analysis.

Analysis of student interviews, participant observations and in-depth fieldnotes that include the K-12 educational experiences, experiences during and after the High School Equivalency Program reveal that undocumented Latinx migrant and seasonal farmworkers aspire to earn a GED diploma to access a better future inclusive of college. However, the legal liminality, the uncertainty and ambiguity of being undocumented, impacts their educational journey prior to, during and beyond the High School Equivalency Program. Furthermore, undocumented Latinx migrant and seasonal farmworkers are unable to change their material conditions with a GED because of their documentation status.

Although researchers have studied the education experiences of Latinx migrant and seasonal farmworkers, analysis and consideration of documentation status is missing. This study contributes much needed findings about the impact of documentation status on the educational experiences, college readiness, and aspirations of Latinx migrant and seasonal farmworkers.

This paper aims to unravel how the formation of Hong Kong citizenship intertwines with controversies over global citizenship, national identities and local identity in post-handover Hong Kong. It aims to engage the case study of Hong Kong to the academic dialogue surrounding global citizenship, especially its contested compatibility with national identities and various political communities.

The data of this paper came from the territory-wide survey data conducted by the Public Opinion Programme of the University of Hong Kong (HKUPOP). The study cleans the survey data from 2008 to 2018, performs various regression models and concludes the findings based on longitudinal analyses of the dataset.

Drawing upon the survey data from 2008 to 2018, this study shows that the identities of Hong Kong people, Chinese in general, ethnic Chinese and citizen of Chinese regime demonstrate varying compatibility to the identity of Global citizen. Such discrepancies are more pronounced when the data are broken down into the youth (aged 18-29) and the adults, and a temporal comparison was exercised before and after the Umbrella Movement in 2014. The identity of Global citizen is compatible to the local identity of Hong Kong people when comparing with its congruence with national identities. On the contrary, the statist national identity (citizen of People’s Republic of China) indicates the least level of compatibility with the notion of Global citizen in Hong Kong.

This paper unravels that the identity of global citizen could be more compatible with local identities at sub-national level than the national identities in Hong Kong. While scholarly deliberation of global citizenship contemplates on the moral and political responsibility beyond national interest, the case study of Hong Kong illustrates the multi-facets of national identities, and the local identity at sub-national level could have different compatibilities with the identity of global citizen. The findings could bring research implication to the studies of global citizenship.