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To examine the relationship between self‐esteem and job performance using others' perceptions of self‐esteem and to examine agreement in ratings of self‐esteem across sources.

A sample of 143 sales representatives, 113 supervisors, 420 peers, 435 customers, and 510 family and friends completed Rosenberg's measure of self‐esteem and a measure of acquaintanceship. Peers and supervisors rated the subjects' job performance. Correlations and hierarchical regression were used to explore the relationships.

Customer, peer, and supervisor perceptions of subjects' self‐esteem related significantly to peer and supervisor performance ratings, whereas self and family/friends perceptions did not. There was limited support for the acquaintanceship effect (greater agreement across sources when familiarity is greater), while context affected agreement (same context sources had greater agreement).

The study highlights the importance of looking at an employee from a variety of perspectives. Also, training employees to develop self‐enhancing behaviors may enhance their outcomes. Finally, training raters that their perceptions of co‐workers' self‐esteem may influence evaluations of performance could reduce unconscious errors.

If this had been a traditional study measuring self‐esteem's impact on performance ratings, no significant relationships could have been reported since individuals' perceptions of their own self‐esteem were not valid predictors of performance ratings. It may be the individual's public self‐esteem (e.g. impression management skills) that influences performance ratings. In particular, workplace sources perceived high self‐esteem as being important to job performance. The validity of self‐esteem may be understated through reliance on the self‐report method alone.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role that gender differences play in evaluating perceptions of global competence, individual readiness for expatriate assignments and overall job performance.

A total of 11 global leadership competencies and perceptions of expatriate readiness for international assignments, along with job performance are rated by self raters and supervisors.

The results suggest mixed support for sex‐role stereotyping and role‐congruity theory (e.g., women will be rated lower than men for expatriate positions which have typically been held by men) and the similar‐to‐me hypothesis (supervisors will rate same‐sex subordinates higher than opposite‐sex subordinates).

The most interesting finding is that supervisors overall (and male supervisors in particular) rated women lower than men on perceptions of expatriate readiness for international assignments, while there were no differences in ratings of overall performance.

This study uses a sample of male and female self raters and supervisors to examine the relationship between perceptions of expatriate readiness, global competencies, and overall performance. Results suggest that although women may be perceived by their supervisors as having the same level of performance as men, they are not seen as being ready for international assignments at the same rate.

To investigate how an individual's value structure influences his/her attitudes toward others who are dissimilar and the moderating effects of age, gender, race, and religiosity on this relationship.

A sample of 165 respondents completed the 56‐item Schwartz Value Survey (SVS), which measures the four value types of openness to change, self‐transcendence, conservation, and self‐enhancement, and the 15‐item Miville‐Guzman Universality‐Diversity Scale Short (M‐GUDS‐S), which measures diversity attitudes. The relationships between the variables were explored using hierarchical regression.

Respondents who scored higher on the values of openness to change and self‐ transcendence had more positive diversity attitudes than those who scored lower. Respondents who scored higher on self‐enhancement had less positive diversity attitudes than those who scored lower. The prediction that those who score higher on conservation would have less positive diversity attitudes was not supported. Age, gender, and race were found to interact with values to predict diversity attitudes. None of the interaction effects for religiosity was significant.

This paper provides evidence of the predictive strength of an individual's value structure on their attitudes towards diversity. More specifically, this paper shows that the impact that a person's values have on his/her attitudes towards diversity is moderated by his/her age, race, and gender. The results suggest that diversity training needs to be more targeted and designed to take into consideration the values, age, gender, and race of the trainees.

It's No Use. For the last six years, since I first got involved with CWISs, I've written dozens of CWIS articles, taught CWIS seminars in every imaginable place, and generally have been a CWIS evangelist to anyone who would listen — and to many who would not. And I haven't been alone in spreading the word on how to do CWISs right. Steve Worona, Judy Hallman, Tim McGovern, Dan Updegrove, and Flossie Stavinsky, to name just a few, have been proudly carrying the CWIS banners too. By now you must have heard — probably several times from several people — why you need a CWIS, how to organize one properly, and what pitfalls to avoid in making one available. What more could one possibly hear about CWISs that hasn't been heard many times over?

Neuroscience, with its promise to peer into the brain and explain the sources of human behavior and human consciousness, has captured the scientific, clinical, and public imaginations. Among those in the thrall of neuroscience are a group of ethicists who are carving out a new subspecialty within the field of bioethics: neuroethics. Neuroethics has taken as its task the policing of neuroscience. By virtue of its very existence, neuroethics presents a threat to its parent field bioethics. In its struggle to maintain authority as the guardian of neuroscience, neuroethics must respond to criticisms from bioethicists who see no need for the subspecialty. We describe the social history of neuroethics and use that history to consider several issues of concern to social scientists, including the social contexts that generate ethical questions and shape the way those questions are framed and answered; strategies used by neuroethicists to secure a place in an occupational structure that includes life scientists and other ethics experts; and the impact of the field of neuroethics on both the work of neuroscience and public perceptions of the value and danger of the science of the brain.

My early life was punctuated by turning points and transformations that gradually led to a surprising and late-blooming academic career – my first “real” sociology position began when I was 44. Here I trace six different trajectories of scholarly work which have compelled me: feminist women's health and technoscience studies; social worlds/arenas and the disciplinary emergence of reproductive sciences; the sociology of work and scientific practices; biomedicalization studies; grounded theory and situational analysis as qualitative research methods; and symbolic interaction-ists and -isms. I have circled back across them multiple times. Instead of seeing a beautifully folded origami of a life, it feels more like a crumpled wad of newspapers from various times. Upon opening and holding them up to the light in different ways, stories may be slowly discerned. I try to capture here some of the sweetness and fragility of these moments toward the end of an initially stuttering but later wondrously gratifying career.

Students often do not understand the relevance of social studies, are not interested in it, and some early childhood students confuse it with other disciplines. Various external and internal factors prevent teachers from providing meaningful social studies instruction; however, practical solutions can be approached more appropriately and interestingly through collaboration. A team of second grade teachers’ participation in lesson study, a 50 plus-year old Japanese collaborative model, and implications of their activities for 41 students are reported in this interpretative case study. Data concerning students’ perceptions of their social studies classroom environments and attitudes about social studies lessons were collected before and after the lesson study, using surveys and focus group interviews. There were slight changes, both positive and negative, in students’ perceptions of their social studies learning environments, though they were puzzled about the discipline of social studies. Early childhood stakeholders benefit from learning what young students articulate about social studies and social studies learning environments. The description of team collaboration, with early childhood social studies, could be helpful also to teachers engaging in job-embedded professional development.

Communications regarding this column should be addressed to Mrs. Cheney, Peabody Library School, Nashville, Term. 37203. Mrs. Cheney does not sell the books listed here. They are available through normal trade sources. Mrs. Cheney, being a member of the editorial board of Pierian Press, will not review Pierian Press reference books in this column. Descriptions of Pierian Press reference books will be included elsewhere in this publication.

Officially, of course, the world is now post-imperial. The Q’ing and Ottoman empires fell on the eve of World War I, and the last Leviathans of Europe's imperial past, the Austro-Hungarian and Tsarist empires, lumbered into the grave soon after. Tocsins of liberation were sounded on all sides, in the name of democracy (Wilson) and socialism (Lenin). Later attempts to remake and proclaim empires – above all, Hitler's annunciation of a “Third Reich” – now seem surreal, aberrant, and dystopian. The Soviet Union, the heir to the Tsarist empire, found it prudent to call itself a “federation of socialist republics.” Mao's China followed suit. Now, only a truly perverse, contrarian regime would fail to deploy the rhetoric of democracy.