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Directive 91/308/EEC has been hailed by many European Union commentators as an extraordinary advance in the cause of EU integration, not least because it is still one of the few Directives actually in force in the field of EU criminal law. From the point of view of money laundering control, the Directive has been the EU's main weapon in its endeavours to ensure that the liberalisation of the financial markets and the consequent freedom of capital movements ‘is not used for undesirable purposes, such as money laundering’. Notwithstanding the undoubtful success of the Directive to introduce a minimum level of money laundering control mechanisms in all 15 EU member states (some of which had not even criminalised money laundering before transposing the Directive), however, Directive 91/308/EEC is no longer considered an adequately progressive legislative text for the advancement of further money laundering prevention to a pace equal to the one currently in force both at the international level and within some of the EU member states. The legislative response of the EU to the need for increasingly progressive legislation has been the Draft Money Laundering Directive, which having been passed by the Council and the Parliament is in the final stages of becoming part of EU legislation.

Seen as one of the major international instruments in the fight against organised crime, the 1991 Money Laundering Directive 91/308/EEC has been the EU's main weapon in its endeavours to ensure that the liberalisation of the financial markets and the consequent freedom of capital movements ‘… is not used for undesirable purposes, such as money laundering’. However, in view of changes in the 1990s at the national and EU levels and in the international environment, the 1991 directive is no longer considered an effective and adequate legislative instrument in the field of money laundering. The legislative response of the EU to these changes is the Draft Money Laundering Directive which has recently been put forward by the Commission and has been — somewhat unexpectedly — wholeheartedly supported by both the Council and the European Parliament (EP).

The Greek regime on money laundering tends to be unknown to most foreign experts. This is partly due to the language barrier and partly due to the admittedly minimal bibliography on the regulation of money laundering both within the country and outside it. The limited bibliography is emphasised by a total lack of recorded criminal cases for money laundering brought before the Greek courts. The aim of this article is to present and examine Greek legislation and policy on money laundering. The necessity for a dedicated legislative text, hotly disputed by some legal experts in Greece, and the two Greek attempts at compliance with the EU Money Laundering Directive will be examined, as will the political parameters of this issue. Their repercussions on the enforcement of money laundering legislation will be assessed.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the real reasons behind the widely accepted view that the European Anti‐Fraud Office (OLAF) is not performing to its full potential.

The approach takes the form of consideration of the main points of the regulatory framework and analysis of lacunae in the current and proposed framework.

The paper attributes ineffectiveness, in part, to the conflicting and vague regulatory framework within which OLAF is requested to operate.

The paper provides a list and an analysis of the main lacunae in OLAF's regulatory framework, an operation which has been neglected in the academic literature.

In preparing this report, the compliance sub‐group has set out to (a) summarise the current compliance regime as a matter of law and practice, (b) identify particular problem areas within that regime concerning public sector officials (PSOs), and (c) suggest recommendations for change. The result may be seen as providing features of a ‘model’ compliance structure designed to cause difficulties for corrupt PSOs seeking to launder the proceeds of their corruption; UK law and practice has formed the springboard for the model, but it should be stressed that in order to be of any utility any suggested changes would have to be adopted (effectively) universally throughout the financial world. Piecemeal adoption by one or a few states would merely be likely to drive the tainted monies elsewhere, and would not serve the desired purpose of reducing the extent/profitability of corruption.

Young consumers globally are susceptible to becoming compulsive shoppers. Having negative consequences and considering that compulsive shopping may originate from past family life experiences, this study aims to use human capital life-course and positive-activity theories to suggest a socio-psychological pathway for prevention. It also examined the mediating influence of happiness and money attitude.

University students in South Africa (N = 171) and in Germany (N = 202) were surveyed. Structural equation modelling (SEM) was used to test relationships and multi-group analysis (MGA) assessed cross-cultural differences.

Emotional family resources received during childhood positively impacted happiness at young adulthood, which was found to be a positive driver of budget money attitude. Budget money attitude in turn limited compulsive shopping for German young consumers but not for South Africans. Cross-cultural differences are also observed in mediating effects of happiness and budget money attitude.

This study is based on self-reported data from university students; this might limit the generalisability of findings.

A positive relationship between happiness and desirable money attitude was confirmed. This study additionally contributes by showing that for South African and German young consumers, adequate childhood emotional family resources is a happiness’ driver. This thus exposes the multiplier effects of simple acts of showing love and attention to children and how these family emotional resources can progressively limit dysfunctional consumer behaviour in the future.

Unlike complex psychotherapeutical and psychopharmacological treatments of compulsive buying that are being suggested, this study borrows from family, consumer and economic–psychological disciplines to suggest simple preventive measures.

Two life-course theories (human capital and socialization) were employed to examine how childhood family resources received and peer communication about clothes shopping influence consumer decision-making styles (CDMS) at young adulthood.

Young adults (18–35 years old) were surveyed from two large African economies: South Africa (N = 306) and Nigeria (N = 272). The participants were surveyed at the economic capitals (Johannesburg and Lagos) of both countries to identify and explain CDMS related to clothes shopping. Structural equation modeling and multi-group analyses were used to analyze data.

The results found six CDMS in both countries, dominated by four utilitarian dimensions (perfectionist, price, quality and time/shopping uninterested consciousness). Structural equation modeling results revealed that family resources and peer communication received during adolescence predicted most of the six CDMS in both countries. Multi-group analyses found that there were no country differences in constructs' relationships.

From the results that young adults in both countries displayed more utilitarian than symbolic decision-making styles when shopping for clothing, it is suggested that retailers and other companies provide value-for-money to capture and retain this large, lucrative, but disloyal, young adult consumer segment.

Since 1986, when eight consumer decision-making styles were identified, studies of CDMS over the last three decades have focused on validating the scale and exploring demographic and cultural differences. Few studies have examined CDMS drivers, but not using a life-course approach.