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The purpose of this study is to explore spatiotemporal factors that affect the empirical analysis of whether crime rates in buffer areas surrounding abandoned properties transferred to a Land Bank that differed among three regimes: before transfer, during Land Bank stewardship and after disposition and whether those differences were associated with differences in relative crime activity in the neighborhoods in which they were located.

This study analyzed crime incidents occurring between 2010 and 2018 in 0.1-mile buffer areas surrounding 31 abandoned properties sold by the Land Bank and their neighborhoods in which those properties were located. Using Copulas, researchers compared concordance/discordance in the buffer areas across the three regime states for each property and approximately matched time periods for associated neighborhoods.

In a substantial number of cases, the relative crime activity levels for buffer areas surrounding individual sold properties as measured by the Copulas shifted from concordant to discordant states and vice versa. Similarly, relative crime activity levels for neighborhoods shifted from concordant to discordant states across three matched regimes. In some cases, the property and neighborhood states matched, while in other cases they diverged. These cross-level interactions indicate that criminal behavioral patterns and target selection change over time and relative criminal activity. The introduction of Copulas can improve the reliability of such models over time and when and where they should be customized to add more granular insights needed by law enforcement agencies.

The introduction of Copulas can improve the spatiotemporal reliability of the analysis of criminal activity over space and time.

Spatiotemporal considerations should be incorporated in setting interventions to manage criminal activity.

This study provides support for policies supporting renovation of abandoned properties.

To the best of authors’ knowledge, this research is the first application of Copulas to crime impact studies. As noted, Copulas can help reduce the risk of applying intervention or enforcement programs that are no longer reliable or lack the precision provided by insights into convergent/divergent patterns of criminal activity.

The majority of the previous research on hot spots policing focuses on a single set of relatively small selected experimental areas. However, given limited resources, most law enforcement agencies dispatch hot spots intervention units to several areas on a rotation basis. The purpose of this paper is to examine policing activities in hot spots to determine if the various types of crimes were affected when deployment was applied on a rotation basis.

This study uses data from the Dallas Police Department. The differential influence of police activities, including stops, citations, and arrests, are observed against a number of aggregate crime measures (i.e. violent, property, nuisance offenses, and total index crimes). The impact of police activities have been observed for their immediate and lagged effects during the following week to measure residual deterrence effects.

It was found that the DPD's Disruption Unit's hot spots policing immediately affected violent crimes, nuisance offenses, and total index crimes, while there were no residual effects of hot spots policing. The Disruption Unit was engaged in policing activities that include motor vehicle and pedestrian stops, issuing citations, and making arrests. Among these activities, the number of police stops was the most significant factor for the reduction in violent crime and nuisance offenses.

The researchers use a patrol sector as a unit of analysis in order to compare the influence of various types of police activities on crime across a broader area. Future research should consider using an intermediate geographic unit of analysis (e.g. patrol beat).

The paper examines the differential influence of policing activities on different types of crime around hot spots when deployment was applied on a rotation basis. Both immediate and lagged effects were investigated to find residual deterrence effects of hot spots policing.

There is an evolving literature on criminal entrepreneurship which situates it as a sub-topic of the organised crime literature and either mythologies and elevates the criminal entrepreneur to Mafioso status or ascribes it to being an activity carried out by criminal cartels; or else it trivialises and minimises it as being ‘White-Collar Criminality’. In reality, entrepreneurship pervades everyday criminal life as it pervades the everyday practices of policing. In this chapter, the author acknowledges the existence of a ‘Crimino-Entrepreneurial Interface’ populated by a cast of criminal actors including the ubiquitous ‘Businessman Gangster’. These criminally entrepreneurial actors operate within a specific milieu or ‘Enterprise Model of Crime’ and operate alongside the legitimate ‘Entrepreneurial Business Community’. Within the two conjoined systems, there is a routine exchange of interactions either parasitical or symbiotic and these coalesce to form an ecosystem of enterprise crime in which it is not only the ubiquitous criminal entrepreneur who is present but a veritable cast of entrepreneurially motivated criminal actors. As well as the established business community there is a parallel, alternative community which is situated in the so-called ‘Criminal Areas’ where the traditional criminal fraternity carry out their nefarious entrepreneurial activities. Within such areas, an underclass exists which provides the criminal workforce for organised crime. The traditional criminal ecosystem is the natural habitat for the police, and it is around this activity that police are traditionally organised. A perpetual cycle of crime is set up which requires policing, but this leaves an unpoliced void which the entrepreneurial criminals exploit. It is necessary to understand the criminal places and spaces exploited by Organised Crime and what roles other criminal actors and facilitators play in the enterprise model. It is also necessary to understand the so-called ‘Perverse Model of Policing’ which distorts and magnifies the true scale of the problem and to appreciate how Serious and Organised Crime corrupt and infiltrate the legitimate ‘upperworld’ before one can understand the true scale of entrepreneurialism in policing and criminal contexts.

The purpose of this paper is to consider organized crime as various forms of business activity which may or may not have attracted the label of criminality. In particular, how perceptions of legitimacy and the effects of other normative factors will influence strongly whether activities, individuals and groupings may be viewed as constituent parts of organized crime.

This paper first discusses some of the ambiguities surrounding the definition and practice of organized crime. It then emphasizes the inherent business focus of much organized crime activity and the crucial importance of legitimacy contexts in decision making seeking to counter organized crime.

The overall effects of organized crime are generally negative for society and organized crime activity can be brutal and harmful. The paper closes by acknowledging the rationality of at least some organized crime activity.

The paper considers the law enforcement potential in developing counter‐strategies that consider organized crime as part of the continuum of business.

Until recently, the involvement of syndicated and organized criminals in economic crime, and the idea of its exitence outside (and to some extent even within) the United States has been discounted if not scoffed at. Describes the characteristics of organized crime and, specifically, economic organized crime, and its facilitators. Relates some “horror stories” to illustrate the seriousness of the problem. Examines the difficulties involved in combating organized economic crime and some of the efforts to counter it being made at international level.

Abuja, the capital city of Nigeria, is one of the fastest growing capital cities in sub-Saharan Africa. Recently, the city is experiencing an alarming rate of burglary and violent crimes, while the city planning management frameworks lacks adequate and effective crime mapping, monitoring and management techniques necessary for achieving liveable and safe environment for habitation despite its grandiose spatial planning and aesthetically appealing architectural design as a modern city. Based on police crime records (2007–2018) and geospatial analysis, this paper aims to provide adequate understanding on the interplay of land use configuration and burglary crime formation in residential neighbourhoods of Abuja, Nigeria.

The methods used for the purpose of data collection includes; field survey, Block Environmental Inventory, while inferential statistics and Geographic Information System tools was used for data analysis. The analysis established that Lagos, Nsukka and Enugu Streets are hotspots; while Chief Palace street, Ladoke Akintola and Oka-Akoko streets were found to be cold spots.

This study, however, established the applicability of crime pattern, opportunity theory and routine activity theory in understanding the rising burglary crime events in the study areas and the link between physical characteristics of street block typology and burglary crime pattern. The results of the analysis has in a way affirmed the positions of the theories, while disagreed with them in cases where the results indicated contrary outcome.

This paper concluded with inference drawn from the results that supported mixed-use development but with built-in crime prevention through environmental design strategies as effective burglary crime prevention mechanisms that contribute to crime rate reduction.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impact of economic conditions on various categories of criminal activities in Malaysia for the period 1973‐2003.

The autoregressive distributed lag bounds testing procedure was employed as the main tool. Dynamic ordinary least squares was also used to check the robustness of the results.

The results indicate that murder, armed robbery, rape, assault, daylight burglary, and motorcycle theft exhibit long‐run relationships with economic conditions, and the causal effect in all cases runs from economic conditions to crime rates and not vice versa. In the long‐run, strong economic performances have a positive impact on murder, rape, assault, daylight burglary, and motorcycle theft, while on the other hand, economic conditions have negative impact on armed robbery.

Further researches using other macroeconomic variables and also other countries are encouraged.

The important implication of this result is that real gross national product per capita is an exogenous variable and it is, therefore, useful for fiscal policy variable. Government of the day should seriously consider the results of this study in any crimefighting policies that are formulated.

An economic viewpoint of criminal activities in Malaysia.