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The purpose of this study is to explore how a large UK police force – Greater Manchester Police (GMP) – sought during a period of continuing budget reductions to take a cost-effective approach to certain types of fraud through the establishment of a central Volume Fraud Team (VFT), which in turn would also have wider operational resource benefits across the force. It then explores the decision to merge that team with its existing serious and complex fraud team.

The research was undertaken over a period of two years by interview and desk review to explain the internal processes which underpinned the approach and the initial outcomes. It discusses why the approach was short lived as a consequence of other factors.

The paper sets out briefly the context of changes to the policing of fraud since 1979 and describes the GMP decision-making processes that established a centralised response to volume fraud and major (serious and complex) fraud. The paper assesses the available data on the approach and whether the changes facilitated a more effective means of addressing fraud and other internal policing priorities. It then discusses the decision in 2014 to merge the staff resources for volume and major frauds in response to identified policy trends in fraud investigations and changes in fraud reporting.

The single case study is limited in terms of focus and in applicability to the wider law enforcement response to fraud.

The research discusses practitioner issues arising from the complexities of balancing resources and priorities against changing trends and patterns of criminal activity in a specific area of policing.

The research is an original study into the internal and external change agendas, and there are, therefore, wider lessons for the policing of fraud in the UK.

The purpose of this paper is to research how local councils in England responded to a national initiative intended to address the risk of the involvement of organised crime in local government procurement fraud. In so doing, it considers definitional issues before undertaking original research to explore how councils responded and, through in-depth interviews with three councils, what initial explanations may explain the responses. It concludes that the national initiative was insufficiently thought-through, and that councils’ responses were significantly influenced by the relevance of the threat of organised crime, financial constraints and competing priorities.

The case study involves a literature review, an analysis of official documentation, a questionnaire to local councils in the north of England and semi-structured interviews with anti-fraud practitioners in three councils in the northeast of England. The approach is to provide an analysis of the implementation of a national initiative to promote a local government response to procurement fraud by organised crime.

On the basis of original research, the paper proposes that the national initiative was insufficiently thought-through, and that councils’ responses were influenced by the relevance of the threat of organised crime, financial constraints and competing priorities.

The research looks at a national initiative and how local councils responded within the context of financial and other constraints. The research is limited in terms of the range of responses it sought, and that it only studied the experience of three local councils in detail. On the other hand, its findings support further research into the implementation of national initiatives in terms of practice on the ground.

The findings identify issues surrounding the design and implementation of national anti-fraud policies from the perspective of local government and will be of value to practitioners and academics interested in fraud, policing, organised crime, local government and policy making.

The paper is the first study in the UK on the local implementation of national strategies on procurement fraud and organised crime and raises positive and less-positive aspects of how far national strategies and intentions are addressed on the ground, with a focus on what factors may influence local implementation.

The purpose of this study is to assess, since the 2006 Fraud Review, recommendations, strategies and consequential organisational and other changes at national, regional and local levels relating to fraud, using the Northeast as a case study. It also notes that implementation may have been influenced by institutional changes and related emerging governmental policy agendas and institutional changes relating to organised crime, terrorism and cybercrime.

The research for the paper was undertaken by desk reviews of primary and secondary material. The paper also involved face-to-face interviews with personnel from the regional fraud unit and the three North-east police forces’ fraud units. The interviews were semi-structured and were conducted on grounds of anonymity for the personnel and the forces involved, with a focus on trends and issues. The personnel were invited to comment on a draft of the paper in terms of accuracy of the information they provided; no revisions or additions were proposed. Interpretation of that information is the sole responsibility of the author.

The paper finds that, despite the decade since the Fraud Review, issues of effectiveness or relevance of national fraud strategies, absence of incentives and identifiable benefits and continuous influence of competing agendas on police priorities continue to marginalise fraud as a mainstream police function and limit the level of resource committed to what also continues to be a rising area of criminality.

The research looks at the recommendations, strategies and consequential organisational and other changes at national, regional and local levels through implementation by four policing units in the North-east. It also notes that implementation may have been influenced by institutional changes and related emerging governmental policy agendas and institutional changes relating to organised crime, terrorism and cybercrime. While the research is limited in that, it draws on the experience of three local and one regional fraud unit; its findings support further research about the implementation of strategies and agendas in practice on the ground.

The research validates many of the findings by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) and supports the need to review national strategies to ensure effective implementation at local level for what also continues to be a rising area of criminality.

The research raises important issues concerning public concern over fraud where majority of frauds are of high volume, low value with low levels of recovery and usually targeted at individuals but where the policing responses are targeted elsewhere.

The research is the first study on the local implementation of national strategies on fraud and raises positive and less positive aspects of how far national strategies and intentions are addressed on the ground.

The private sector has traditionally subsumed the issue of fraud within a general acceptance that there are certain costs relating to any commercial activity and, even if they are expensive to deal with, provided they do not rise at a rate faster than the rise in profits, they are not given a high priority. However, the current slump in profits, a reaction to the politics of the 1980s, and an increasingly competitive marketplace are now encouraging more attention to be paid to costs. In the public sector there is no performance indicator of profit. Much of the focus has been on the cost of the delivery of the goods and services and the value for money that it represents. Public sector fraud is therefore often a matter for media or parliamentary attention. In considering how such awareness develops, the problems of dealing with long‐established evidence of fraud and corruption and the multi‐faceted nature of any reform package, this paper considers the recent developments within the Property Services Agency. This case study offers a salutary warning of the need to tackle fraud and corruption earlier rather than later and also underlines the fact that, whether the fraud and corruption occurs in a public or a private sector organisation, it is management's responsibility to deal with it.

The Common Agricultural Policy involves a substantial part of the European Community's multi‐billion pound annual expenditure. Close to the heart of many Member States with their need to respond to demands of the agricultural community, the policy has often resulted in a failure to ensure that effective and adequate means to monitor, scrutinise and police a complex and costly activity are in place. In the UK the Intervention Board has taken the opportunity to develop its own response of an integrated fraud prevention, detection and investigation strategy that is now paying dividends in the protection and policing of the expenditure of public funds.

This paper aims to describe how Staffordshire Fire and Rescue Service, UK, has introduced a management and leadership programme that has driven positive change in the organization.

The paper details the reasons for the programme, how it was delivered and some of the results it has achieved.

The paper outlines the bespoke leadership‐development plan created by leadership and change‐management consultant SFL, which involves workshops to translate the core messages, followed by additional workshops for supervisory managers to develop their leadership skills in performance management, mentoring and coaching.

The paper shows that, despite an initial reluctance to change among members of Staffordshire's Fire and Rescue Service, the picture is overwhelmingly positive and the organization has gained Investor in People status.

The paper provides an example of successful leadership development in the public sector.

This introductory paper aims to serve a dual purpose. First, it seeks to trace some of the key elements of this emerging agenda in critical corruption studies and the major directions in which the field has moved since 2006, exploring some of the connections between dominant discourses of corruption and anti‐corruption and the upheavals which have occurred in the global economy during this period along the way. Second, this discussion also aims to serve as a contextual introduction to this special issue by embracing some of the common themes elaborated in the other papers collected here.

The paper presents a brief personal reflection on developments in the field of critical corruption studies.

The paper reveals some of the limitations of the mainstream approach towards corruption.

The paper summarises recent developments in the field and provides a context‐setting narrative within which the other papers that comprise this special issue can be situated.

Anti‐corruption Agencies (ACAs) have been seen by donors and commentators as a visible and discrete institutional response to a country's commitment to anti‐corruption work. A number of reports have commented adversely on the general effectiveness and impact of ACAs in practice. Much of the concern relates to the environment in which the ACA works, but over which they have limited control, but often fails to address an ACA as an organisation something over which an ACA does exercise much more control. The purpose of this article is to argue that there are common organisational issues that face any new and small institutions in both public and private sectors, that may assist an ACA's development.

The article reviews the extensive literature to assess what appear to be the key issues facing such organisations in the private sector usually termed small to medium‐sized enterprises (SMEs) – and discusses whether their experiences offer any applicability to an ACA's organisational strategy and development.

The article argues that a number of organisational issues are generic and ACAs, and those who support and fund them, should draw on the lessons from the wider private sector management and organisational development literature on SMEs for ACAs.

The article provides a framework for ACAs to consider organisational reform and to guide donor support.

ACAs are rarely reviewed as an organisation. Indeed, much of the criticism identified in this article points to this as a significant issue, for which private sector approaches may provide guidance for organisational reform.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse fraud investigative practice in London local authorities with reference to recognised best practice and two comparator organisations, the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) and National Health Service (NHS).

Primary research was undertaken through questionnaires to all London Boroughs and interviews with key personnel in two comparator organisations.

Each London Borough has a specialist anti‐fraud response with professionally qualified investigators, demonstrates compliance with best practice and excels in areas such as case supervision and joint working. However, concerns remain, regarding a lack of agreed national standards and some failing to use the full range of investigative techniques, such as surveillance and computer forensic examination.

The research was limited to London local government and further work is needed outside the capital.

Recommendations are made for: the introduction of national professional guidance to investigators; minimum competency standards for fraud investigation; research into the applicability of the National Intelligence Model to high volume fraud; and a less fragmented approach both within and across local authorities.

There has been no previous research of this type and it may be useful to government when considering how to deal with fraud, local authorities and those with an interest in public sector fraud.

International business is under increasing legal pressure to ensure compliance with legal and other standards on corruption, and thus needs to undertake due diligence on corruption. This paper aims to emphasise that existing sources of information on corruption in specific countries are often limited for interpretative purposes.

Using a number of country studies that look at the causes and legal and institutional responses, as well as other data sources from international agencies, the paper suggests that no one indicator can substantively alert business to the levels and types of corruption in a specific country.

As a preliminary conclusion, the paper proposes that business must undertake more substantive work to understand corruption in a particular country. It also indicates that qualitative sources may be more productive than quantitative sources in providing information that is of use to business in undertaking such work.

The paper highlights the need to stress the need to study corruption in a country context.