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Notes the weakness of tourism in Northern Ireland prior to the cease‐fire of 1994 and the increased interest in Northern Ireland as a tourist destination which followed the cease‐fire. Considers the role of the Department of Economic Development and the Northern Ireland Tourist Board. Brings together the relevant findings from most of the published material on Northern Ireland tourism from the start of the troubles to the cease‐fire from academic, consultancy and government sources. Incorporates the results of two post‐cease‐fire studies carried out by the authors.

How do transnational social movements organize? Specifically, this paper asks how an organized community can lead a nationalist movement from outside the nation. Applying the analytic perspective of Strategic Action Fields, this study identifies multiple attributes of transnational organizing through which expatriate communities may go beyond extra-national supporting roles to actually create and direct a national campaign. Reexamining the rise and fall of the Fenian Brotherhood in the mid-nineteenth century, which attempted to organize a transnational revolutionary movement for Ireland’s independence from Great Britain, reveals the strengths and limitations of nationalist organizing through the construction of a Transnational Strategic Action Field (TSAF). Deterritorialized organizing allows challenger organizations to propagate an activist agenda and to dominate the nationalist discourse among co-nationals while raising new challenges concerning coordination, control, and relative position among multiple centers of action across national borders. Within the challenger field, “incumbent challengers” vie for dominance in agenda setting with other “challenger” challengers.

Recognition of potential for greater all‐Ireland cooperation, pooling of expertise, and sharing of knowledge led to the establishment of the Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland (CARDI) in 2007. This paper seeks to outline the development of CARDI and in particular the delivery of its grants programme as a model for supporting ageing research to work across disciplines, sectors and borders.

Using CARDI as a case study, this paper charts the organisation's development and in particular focuses on the development and learning from its grants programme, established to support ageing research in Ireland, north and south.

CARDI has promoted and helped support the development of a community of researchers on ageing across Ireland via its grants programme, networking events and communication's strategy. There is growing momentum, interest and potential in an all‐Ireland approach to research on ageing and older people.

Research can and must play a vital role in informing future policies and services for our ageing population. This paper explores the development of ageing research in Ireland, illustrating a model for working across disciplines, sectors and borders when supporting and communicating research on ageing in Ireland, north and south, to the benefit of researchers, policy makers and older people.

States that Northern Ireland continues to be governed by Direct Rule from Westminster, with the Government in the Republic of Ireland able to influence that rule through the Anglo‐Irish Conference and the Secretariat located in Belfast. There are many questions emerging from the recent political history of Northern Ireland: the political implications of continued Direct Rule, the implications of any UK government withdrawal and the economic consequences of peace. The answers to many of the questions posed by its recent political history depends on the future political management of Northern Ireland.

The chapter deals with social inequalities in post-conflict and post-2007/2008 financial crisis Northern Ireland. From the late 1970s to the late 1990s, Northern Ireland was characterised by a Catholic/Protestant sectarian conflict and affected by marked political, economic and social discrepancies disadvantaging the Catholic minority.

The combined effects of the economic boom of the late 1990s and early 2000s, and of the signing of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, improved the social and economic living conditions of Northern Ireland citizens and diversified the ethnic composition of the population, as immigrants were attracted by new opportunities offered in the booming Northern Ireland labour market. The 2007/2008 financial crisis was to curb these positive trends, although Northern Ireland’s economy has now recovered as its unemployment rate indicates.

In the light of this specific context, this chapter first examines key indicators of social inequalities in Northern Ireland: wealth, employment and housing. It then focuses on traditional indicators of Catholic/Protestant inequalities: education employment and housing. It finally examines to what extent the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the 2006 St Andrew’s Agreement and the 2014 Stormont House Agreement have tackled the issue of social inequalities.

Environmental campaigns in Ireland can be divided into pre- and post-affluence phases of multinational-led economic development in Ireland between 1958 and 2002. I construct an ‘issue history’ (Szasz, 1994) that locates the GSE case within the context of a series of community challenges to toxic industries during that period. These cases are relevant to an understanding of environmental movement activity in the decades before GSE's own campaign, before the onset of economic growth, or in the post-boom years when issues such as landfilling and incineration were the subjects of disputes across Ireland. I examine some earlier cases that have parallels with GSE's case in terms of their primary focus on toxicity and health risks, but I also look at the emergence of landfill and municipal incineration disputes since the mid-1990s that can be traced to the explosion of waste as a by-product of Irish society's fixation with consumerism.

This chapter explores the topic of supporting young people to become innovators for societal change in terms of equity and renewal from the perspective of school principals in Northern Ireland, a post-conflict society. We examine how school principals can be empowered in their role in providing this support and the challenges and turbulence that they face in their work. The chapter provides contextual information about education in what is still largely a divided society in Northern Ireland. The principals who were interviewed as part of this research were working within school partnerships as part of ‘shared education’ projects. In Northern Ireland, the Shared Education Act (2016) provides a legislative basis for two or more local schools from different educational sectors to work in partnership to provide an opportunity for sustained shared learning activities with the aim of improving both educational and reconciliation outcomes for young people. The challenges for school leadership of working in partnership in societies emerging from conflict has not been given the attention it deserves in the literature, so this work is significant in that it brings together a focus on school leadership in a ‘shared education’ context, drawing on theories of collaboration and turbulence to examine how principals can best be empowered to be agents of change, so that pupils in Northern Ireland can also become empowered to make society there more equitable and peaceful. While the focus is on Northern Ireland, the learnings from this study will be of wider interest and significance as similar challenges are faced by school leaders internationally.