Consumer attitudes to organic foods

and

Nutrition & Food Science

ISSN: 0034-6659

Article publication date: 1 October 2001

2632

Citation

Connor, R. and Douglas, L. (2001), "Consumer attitudes to organic foods", Nutrition & Food Science, Vol. 31 No. 5. https://doi.org/10.1108/nfs.2001.01731eaf.001

Publisher

:

Emerald Group Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2001, MCB UP Limited


Consumer attitudes to organic foods

Consumer attitudes to organic foods

This paper looks at the current position of organic foods in the UK and investigates consumer attitudes in Northern Ireland to organic foods. Traditionally Northern Ireland lags behind the rest of the UK in the adoption of new consumer trends and developments. Do the demand and consumption of organic foods follow the same pattern in an area that is highly dependent on agriculture for its economic survival?

Introduction

Within the UK the ongoing saga of food scares continues unabated. Consumers have become more sceptical and worried about what they and their families eat. They are rapidly losing confidence in the information supplied by the food industry and the government because of the mixed messages emanating from various sources which have vested interests in promoting their own particular agendas.

As a nation, there is almost a continual obsessional demand by consumers for "safe" food with the desire to remain healthy but with as little disruption as possible to their present life styles. The long-running crisis over BSE and CJD beef related illnesses as well as concerns over salmonella in chickens and eggs, E. coli, contaminants in bottled water and genetic engineering of plants continues (Connor, 1999). Public concern regarding BSE and CJD has risen from 37 per cent in 1998 to 43 per cent in 2000 (Mintel, 2000). This has now been exacerbated by the outbreak of the highly infectious foot and mouth disease in the UK. The unknown quantities of genetically modified foods and the use of antibiotics and growth promoters are among the leading issues that are alarming consumers and persuading them to look for organic alternatives[1]. Until recently the commonly held perception of the consumer who purchased organic commodities was that they were regarded as eccentrics, food phobics or environmental activists. Organic foods are now rapidly becoming the normal purchase of mainstream shoppers who harbour concerns about food safety and damage to the environment.

While many present day consumers may regard organic foods as the latest food fad, organic foods are in fact not a new phenomenon. Before the development of artificial fertilisers and pesticides almost all farming could have been classified as organic.

Natural and organic

It is a commonly held misconception that organic and natural foods are the same, but this is not so – not all organic food is natural and not all natural food is organic. Natural foods are generally accepted to be foods without artificial colours, flavours or other petro-chemical additives and have been subjected to minimal processing, whereas organic food can undergo processing and is "grown without most artificial fertilisers and pesticides" (Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, 1998). The leaflet goes on to state that "Animals are kept in ways which minimise the need for medicines and other treatments." A more detailed and informative definition defines organic food as being "the product of a farming system which avoids the use of man-made fertilisers, pesticides, growth regulators and livestock food additives. Instead the system relies on crop rotation, animal and plant manures, some hand weeding and biological control" (IFST, 1999).

Organic foods are usually referred to as fresh but they can also be manufactured. There are two types of manufactured organic foods:

Products, which contain 95 per cent to 100 per cent certified organic ingredients, are the only products eligible to be labelled "organic", for example organic potatoes. Products which contain at least 70 per cent certified organic ingredients are labelled as "made with organic ingredients" (IFST, 1999).

Typical labelling would be "Raspberry jam made with organic raspberries".

Produce must be grown on land for three years without the use of artificial chemicals and pesticides before the produce can be labelled organic. Animals should be fed with fodder that is free from artificial chemicals and reared with the minimum application of medicine. The UK register of organic food ensures that these strict standards are met.

Sourcing of organic foods

It has been reported in the national media that the market for organic foods has tripled in recent years now being valued at £600 million within the UK. To meet this demand and to reduce the dependence on imported organic products, currently estimated at over 70 per cent of total consumption, it has been suggested that the number of producers of organic commodities would need to triple. A number of surveys estimate that between 25 per cent and 29 per cent of people in the UK purchase organic foods as part of the weekly shopping basket.

Further expansion is also required to meet future demand, as research indicates that almost three-quarters of the population would be sympathetic to the idea of purchasing organic foods[1].

While the Prime Minister acknowledged (25 October 2000) that there was a growing demand for organic food which UK farmers cannot meet, the finance necessary to cover the cost of converting to organic farming has not been forthcoming in 2001. Money assigned to assist conversion over the next seven years is not considered sufficient to meet projected demand (Friends of the Earth, 2000). In Northern Ireland, to support this increasing demand the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development has made provision to "boost significantly" resources to the organic farming scheme. This will support up to 1,000 local farmers to convert to organic production over the next six years (Department of Agriculture and Rural Development, 2000).

Cost – is organic food expensive?

Organic produce can attract a premium price due to the low level of home production and the need to import additional supplies. Farming methods utilised by organic crop producers can result in yields being lower than for conventional farming for a number of reasons, such as a greater loss of crops to insects and weeds if artificial pesticides and weed-killers are not used to control them. It is also considered difficult to raise organic pigs, while cattle are more susceptible to disease, as they are not routinely dosed with medication. While conventional farming methods using artificial fertilisers, pesticides and health promoters are normally cheaper than organic foods to produce and grow, this cost does not reflect the indirect expenses carried by the taxpayer in relation to the overall production costs. Indirect expenses include farming subsidies, the cost of water treatment to remove pesticide residues and the money required to manage and control food scares such as BSE (£4.5 billion) (Soil Association, 2000). The policing of protests against the production of genetically modified crops is also a heavy drain on the nation's resources. What is not clear is whether or not the higher cost of organic foods covers the money the Government has assigned to assist in the conversion of conventional farms to organic farms or is this yet another cost to be carried by the taxpayer?

A profile of consumers

A MORI (1997) survey reported that more people would choose organic food if it were "easily available and cost no more than conventional food". They also found that 46 per cent of those buying organic food claimed that health was their primary purchase motivating factor, while 40 per cent claimed that the organic product had a better taste. The typical organic food purchaser belonged to the AB socio-economic groupings, were aged between 25 and 34 years and shopped at specific supermarkets. A later survey conducted by Mintel (1999) found that it was the more affluent consumer segments who purchased organic produce, particularly where the price was closer to that of mainstream products. It was also noted that the less affluent consumers were generally not interested in purchasing organic foods, whatever the price. It could be argued therefore that price is not always the main reason for the reluctance to purchase organic food. If this is so, what is the reason for the low adoption of organic products?

Would organic products survive a health scare?

Organic food has been perceived by many consumers to be the panacea of healthy, safe, nutritious food. The Agricultural Select Committee (Sunday Express, 2001) comments that consumers purchase organic products because of the "myth" of their benefits. Given past experiences of food problems and the consumers' reaction to them, can the public be reassured that the organic concept could survive and not succumb to similar problems of adverse reports in the media?

Building on these concerns and in a bid to increase their share of the consumer market, food manufacturers and supermarkets have mounted advertising campaigns to encourage people to think healthy and to buy "healthier" foods. A MORI (1999) survey found that half of those who had recently purchased organic foods did so because they believed them to be healthy. The number of organic products on offer is increasing, but will it ever become a commercially viable consumer market?

Methodology

The main purpose of the research was to ascertain the attitude of Northern Ireland consumers to the sale and consumption of organic foods. Two main methods were employed, a questionnaire and focus groups.

A total of 300 people were surveyed throughout Northern Ireland from both urban and rural communities, of whom 81 were males and 219 females. The ages ranged from 18 to 65+ years and covered the full spectrum of social class and occupations. Questions were designed to ascertain who purchased organic foods, reasons for doing or not doing so and what would persuade them to change their attitudes.

A sensory focus group of 20 people was brought together to "blind taste" and comment on a number of products both organic and conventional. The purpose of the sessions was to determine if consumers could identify organic products and if there was a discernible difference between them and conventional products. Eight items, representing a broad range of "usual" weekly purchased products such as fresh and frozen vegetables, breakfast cereal and biscuits, were used in the tests. Triangle tests were used to reduce the possibility of identifying products by guessing. Three food samples were presented, two of which were identical. Panellists were asked to identify two factors; first which sample was the odd one and second which sample or samples was the organic product.

Results and discussion

The survey

Overall, 47 per cent of the respondents claimed to purchase organic foods on a regular basis that ranged in quantity from a single item to the bulk of food items purchased. Further analysis of foods purchased most often revealed that 71 per cent of respondents purchased fruit and vegetables, 22 per cent purchased products for "main meals" and 7 per cent purchased baby foods. Sixty-seven per cent of those consumers who purchased organic products lived in rural areas, while the remainder lived in the urban and city locations. Eighty-six per cent of organic food buyers were aged between 18 and 45 years, of whom 63 per cent were in the higher socio-economic brackets (A, B, C1).

Three and a half times more females purchased organic products than males over all age ranges and social classes. There is still the tradition in Northern Ireland of the female being the main shopper, especially for the daily small convenience items. Males made comments such as "The wife does the shopping" and "I don't have anything to do with food". The males declared that their main function in the large weekly or monthly shopping expedition was restricted to driving the car and pushing the shopping trolley with little direct input into the purchase decision.

The reasons for purchasing organic foods are varied, ranging in descending order from health, taste, freshness and quality, which account for 79 per cent of the responses. Food safety, nutritional content and price came lower down in the consumer purchase considerations.

The reasons given highlight an anomaly in the consumers' responses in that health is given as the main reason for selecting organic products, while nutritional content is not considered to be an issue. This raises a concern regarding the level of people's knowledge and understanding of the correlation between nutritional content of food and health. The reason for this may be that they relate health to food safety rather than to nutritional issues. Nutritional concerns were mainly confined to nutrients and in particular the vitamin content. Food safety also came low in the issues influencing purchases, as they consider organic foods to be "safe" as in being BSE free and not genetically modified. Many of the respondents also believed that organic foods are natural foods, which have not been treated with chemicals or artificial fertilisers. However, they fail to take into account that these products could still be contaminated with, for example, E. coli (especially E. coli 0157) or clostridium perfringens, which come from soil, excreta and insects. Even incorrectly rotted compost can contain pathogens. Insufficient cooking, or no cooking at all, could result in food poisoning.

Those who did not purchase organic food the reason for the most part gave as the expense followed by the lack of availability, irrespective of whether people lived in urban or rural areas. This is, according to the respondents, to do with the type of shops they frequent, that is smaller shops which have not as yet identified an economically viable market which would sustain the carrying of organic foods. Similarly, those people who lived alone were less likely to purchase organic products, as they would tend to shop for single portion items in a small local store that would not have the capacity to stock a wide range of organic foods. Despite these claims it should be noted that only a very small proportion of the population would live more than a 30-minute car journey from a major supermarket.

The upper age bracket respondents who do not buy organic products were generally content with the "normal" goods they purchased, could not afford the higher purchase price due to a restricted disposable income or commented that "the damage (to health) has already been done". The lower socio-economic brackets, due to their restricted income, were much more price conscious. They tended to purchase items on a daily rather than a weekly basis and buy food that they are certain their families will eat. Health issues for this group of people tend not to be a major influence on the goods they purchase.

One of the obstacles to the development of a viable organic market is the "chicken and egg" scenario. The farmers are reluctant to commit themselves to full-scale organic production until they can be sure that the market will be financially viable, especially in the longer term. On the other hand, consumers are unlikely to make organic products a major part of their regular shopping until the price and product accessibility are pro rata of those conventional products. Supermarkets will not normally stock a large range of diverse organic foods, unless the demand exists to pull the products through the system. To overcome this price obstacle, one major frozen food retailer sold organic products at a lower price than its conventional counterparts, although this tactic has proved to be unsustainable and regarded as a marketing disaster. This pricing approach however, is still very much an exception to the rule. A random survey of the major chain and independent retail outlets in Northern Ireland revealed that the vast majority of organic products commanded premium prices.

Focus group

The general opinion of the focus group was that, with certain products, identification of the organic option was relatively easy, for example baked beans, cornflakes, mixed vegetables and yogurt. The group perceived the organic products to be bland and lacking in colour due to the absence of expected levels of colourings and flavourings associated with conventional foods. However, it was stated that some organic foods had a better texture and flavour, especially the mixed vegetables. The focus group had difficulty in discriminating between organic and conventional nuts, fresh carrots, mince pies, milk chocolate and orange juice. These results would suggest that not all organic foods are bland and lacking in colour and that ability to discriminate between organic and conventional products may well depend on the specific product being consumed. Because the consumer has been conditioned to expect a certain depth of colour and strength of flavour, there is a perception that the organic food will be tasteless or lacklustre. Some of the focus group also admitted that they had a preference for certain "branded" products such as cornflakes and baked beans and that the sensory characteristics of these products were instantly identifiable.

In general the focus group considered that the sensory quality of organic products was better than their conventional counterparts. Those who were not able to identify the organic products were surprised and impressed by their quality. This would reinforce the opinion that consumers have a preconceived idea of what an organic food looks or tastes like.

Conclusions

Organic foods are more than just buzzwords and food fads. They have become a central issue in a food industry that is expanding rapidly, as consumers seek alternative food sources to the present conventional products. Organic food has become synonymous with healthy eating and safety for the consumer.

The findings of this survey were broadly in agreement with those reported by MORI (1997) and Mintel (1999). Those who purchased organic food came from the higher socio-economic groupings, and were the younger to middle age bracket living in an urban setting. Health was the primary purchasing motivator, while price and lack of availability were the main reasons for not purchasing. Supermarkets were the main source of organic products due to the variety of products held. Other findings revealed that females were more likely to purchase organic food products than males. While females are traditionally the main decision makers and purchasers of household items, the number of people actually consuming organic products is greatly increased due to the marital and family status of these purchasers. People living alone, those in the lower socio-economic groups and the elderly population were the least likely to purchase organic products. The main reasons for consumers buying organic foods were health, taste, freshness and quality, while reasons for not buying included lack of localised availability and price.

One of the most interesting but disturbing facts was the consumers' lack of understanding of food safety in relation to organic products. While organic meat products are considered to be free from BSE and crops are not genetically modified, many consumers have assumed erroneously that the products are hygienically safer than their conventional counterparts, when they can only be considered to be "safe" because of the lack of contamination by artificial additives.

There was apparent confusion between the terms health and nutrition, which were sited at opposite ends of the continuum of reasons for purchasing organic goods. Respondents did not realise the correlation between the levels of nutrition and their impact on a person's health.

From the research it can be concluded that the attitudes of the Northern Ireland consumers to the purchase and consumption of organic foods are not significantly different from those of their counterparts in the rest of the UK. The move to greater purchase of organic products does lag behind that of the rest of the UK. This may be due in part to the low levels of organic products available in the supermarkets and the more conservative nature of the people. There is some confusion and misunderstanding of terms and facts surrounding organic foods but, as more information becomes available, the population of Northern Ireland should have similar shopping and consumption habits to those of the consumer in the UK. The vision of the Northern Ireland Agricultural Minister is to increase "significantly" the number of farmers producing organic goods. This will increase the availability of, and may, in the future, positively influence the purchase rate of, organic products in Northern Ireland.

Robert Connor and Lesley DouglasSchool of Hospitality, Tourism and Consumer Studies, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland

Note

  1. 1.

    Organicfood.co.uk (2000), "Organic food market triples over three years", available at: http://www.organicfood.co.uk/news/article13.html

References and further reading

Brown, L. (1999), Shoppers' Guide to Organic Food, Forth Estate, London.Connor, R.J.G. (1999), "Is healthy eating only for the young?", Nutrition & Food Science, Vol. 29 No. 1, pp. 12-18.Department of Agriculture and Rural Development (2000), "Organic production, a viable alternative for Northern Ireland", (http://www.organic-research.com/news/2000/2000112.htm)Friends of the Earth (2000), "Supermarkets back new organic farming law", available at: http://www.organic-research.com/news/2000/20001025a.htmIFST (1999), Organic Food, (http://www.ifst.org/hottop24.htm)Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (1998), Food Sense leaflet, Organic Food.Mintel (1999), Organic food and drink, Mintel Publications Ltd, London, pp. 34-46.Mintel (2000), Food You Can Trust, Mintel International Survey, August.MORI (1997), cited by Wright, S. (1997), "Europe goes organic", Food Ingredients Europe, Vol. 3, pp. 39-43.MORI (1999), The Future Is Organic, The Soil Association. (http://www.mori.com/polls/1999/soilass.htm).Soil Association (2000), "Organics 'price war' could undermine UK supply base, warns Soil Association", (http://www.organic-research.com/news/2000/20000126.htm).Sunday Express (2001), 28 January, p. 8.

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