The Complex Nature of Information Behavior
ISBN: 978-1-80382-424-6, eISBN: 978-1-80382-423-9
ISSN: 2055-5377
Publication date: 30 June 2023
Citation
Given, L.M., Case, D.O. and Willson, R. (2023), "The Complex Nature of Information Behavior", Looking for Information (Studies in Information, Vol. 15), Emerald Publishing Limited, Leeds, pp. 71-119. https://doi.org/10.1108/S2055-53772023003
Publisher
:Emerald Publishing Limited
Copyright © 2023 Lisa M. Given, Donald O. Case and Rebekah Willson. Published under exclusive licence by Emerald Publishing Limited
We use the term complexity to refer to the inherently high level of organization among the constituent parts of information-related phenomena, including information systems, social information behavior, and individual information experiences.
(Sarah Polkinghorne & Lisa M. Given, 2021, p. 1262)
Chapter Outline
3.1 Moving Toward Complexity: Embedding Context in Information Behavior Studies 71
3.1.1 From Resources to Roles 72
3.1.2 Contexts, Situations, and Emplacement 74
3.1.3 Information Sharing and Collaboration 75
3.1.4 Information Use 78
3.1.5 Information Creation 80
3.2 Situational and Contextual Approaches to Studying Information Behavior Complexity 81
3.2.1 Health and Well-Being 81
3.2.2 Education and Learning 85
3.2.3 Leisure and Entertainment 87
3.2.4 Citizenship and Political Engagement 90
3.2.5 Purchasing and Consuming 94
3.2.6 Immigration and Asylum 96
3.3 Conclusion 98
3.4 Our Top 3 Must Read Recommendations 99
References 99
3.1 Moving Toward Complexity: Embedding Context in Information Behavior Studies
As information behavior studies have shifted towards understanding the complexity of people's lives, exploring the contexts that surround and shape people's experiences is integral to that research. Where earlier studies typically adopted atomistic approaches, by examining specific resources used or reasons for using information, most contemporary studies embrace the whole person, including situational, affective, and other influences on their information-related experiences. This shift echoes Choo's (2005) distinction between studies that are investigating information channels (e.g., journals) or systems (e.g., libraries), compared to those that are studying people. Review authors have used varying terminology to reflect the latter type of investigations. For Choo and Auster (1993) they are studies of “work, organizational, and social settings of the users…users' membership in professional or social groups, their demographic backgrounds” (p. 284). Talja et al. (1999) speak of “socioeconomic conditions, work roles, tasks, problem situations, communities and organizations” (p. 752) as variables typically examined. Taylor (1991) talks about information use environments as consisting of four types: professions, entrepreneurs (including managers), special interest groups, and socioeconomic groups. Julien et al. (2011) refer to studies that are “broadly concerned with analysis of people's information seeking, both active and passive, and their information use” (p. 19). Olsson and Lloyd (2017, para 5) highlight the importance of understanding “dynamic, embodied and corporeal sense making processes [as critical for] understanding the relationship between people and information.” Yet, many rhetorical claims of holistic approaches are not always evident in study designs. As Polkinghorne and Given (2021) note, studies designed to capture complexity must examine “the constituent parts of information-related phenomena, including information systems, social information behavior, and individual information experiences” (p. 1262).
3.1.1 From Resources to Roles
Given that the origins of information behavior research are found in nineteenth-century studies of library users, and studies only gradually expanded their horizons to include nonprint sources of information, it is not surprising that the use of books in libraries tended to be a common focus of the earliest research. From the 1940s onwards (as discussed in Chapter 2), attention shifted to the investigation of various occupational groups, especially scientists, engineers, and managers. This emphasis on work roles continued for several decades and gradually expanded to cover a wide variety of job roles. These studies tended toward the system-oriented and person-oriented atomistic approaches outlined in Chapter 1 (see Table 1.2).
Perhaps the only nonwork role to be widely studied in these early decades was that of student, of which there continue to be a great many investigations. Yet even student life has some resemblance to paid work; a significant development in the 1970s was the emergence of research questions concerning everyday life information needs (e.g., solving practical problems concerning food or shelter, or the pursuit of hobbies and political activities). Even so, work-related, and nonwork-related activities tended to be treated separately by investigators, as if activities outside the job did not matter. The subtle distinction between these categories corresponds to the notion of the “way of life as ‘order of things’,” as articulated by Reijo Savolainen (1995):
… “things” stand for various activities taking place in the daily life world, including not only job but also necessary reproductive tasks such as household care and voluntary activities (hobbies) … in most cases order of things is a relatively well-established constellation of work and nonwork activities …. (pp. 262–263)
Beyond the categories of citizen, immigrant, consumer, hobbyist, patient, and student, other studies of roles tend to be based on narrowly defined groups. These other roles in the information behavior literature include newcomers (e.g., Lingel, 2015; Moring, 2017; Salzano et al., 2020), parent or mother (e.g., Barriage, 2015; Chávez & Sabelli, 2020; Loudon et al., 2016; Martinović & Stričević, 2016; Schlebbe, 2020), and victims of accidents, crime, discrimination, or violence (e.g., Burnett & Burnett, 2019; Fourie, 2020; Harr et al., 2016; Hong et al., 2018; Lee, 2018), as well as the ubiquitous user, the abstract object of thousands of studies (Julien et al., 2018).
Contemporary information behavior research has taken a more holistic approach, considering a wide range of overlapping interests, both paid and unpaid. Looking at information behavior more holistically, in terms of life projects and roles, represents a shift toward the perspective of the person (what was called during the 1970s and 1980s, the user), and away from the views of the system (e.g., use of the media, use of library materials, or use of the internet). Thus, the shifting roles one takes on – e.g., nurse (a paid occupation because of intentional preparation) or patient (unpaid, nonoccupational, and typically not the result of deliberate choice) – become overarching frameworks for studying all the sources one might encounter or consult, their effects, and how they are used.
There has also been a tendency in the literature to sample populations based on their demographics, such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, income, or education (which are among 10 examples of “demography” supplied by Dervin, 1989). Sometimes demographic-based research designs are dictated by administrative needs or social concerns, e.g., the well-being of the elderly, or the disadvantages affecting marginalized populations. At other times it is driven by a general lack of information about the information behavior of a particular population (e.g., gay men). Despite obvious limitations to such study designs – it is rare, for example, that any population is homogenous in its habits and attitudes – investigations of demographic groups continue to be conducted. Many studies still attempt to generalize about sources, groups of people, and the differences among them, despite long-standing skepticism that such generalization is possible. More than 25 years ago, for example, Talja (1997) noted
… generalizations about differences between individuals or groups are often problematic. Firstly, the diversity of the individual’s social roles, tasks and identities is not taken into account … Secondly, it is impossible to get unmediated knowledge about a person’s cognitive skills or even information seeking behavior, because the ways in which they are accounted for are always mediated by culturally constructed interpretive repertoires. The explanations should not be taken as facts about the permanent attitudes or actual behavioural patterns of individuals or groups. (p. 74)
Talja and Hartel (2007), Tabak (2014) and Hartel (2019) have since revisited these and other disadvantages of focusing on individuals. Despite their reasonable concerns, there is some value in striving for well-evidenced quantitative generalizations or qualitative transferability of findings about individuals or groups; otherwise, there would be little point in ever investigating information practices. Such concerns also serve to emphasize the importance of attending to elements of context, particularly those social roles, tasks, and identities Talja (1997) mentioned, as a reminder about the dangers of making sweeping claims regarding large, diverse populations. This is particularly important when practitioners implement changes (e.g., new systems designs, changes in reference services) based on study results. Martzoukou (2005) and Saastamoinen and Järvelin (2018) make similar points in a critique of studies of online information seeking.
3.1.2 Contexts, Situations, and Emplacement
So, what constitutes a “context”? Brenda Dervin (1997) says that there “is no term more often used, less often defined, and when defined, defined so variously as context” (p. 14). She goes on to complain that “virtually every possible attribute of a person, culture, situation, behavior, organization, or structure has been defined as context.” Dervin provides a few examples that help to narrow the definition. She quotes John Dewey (1960) as saying that “context is … a selective interest or bias which conditions the subject matter of thinking” (p. 90). To Gregory Bateson (1978) context is “the pattern that connects [as] without context there is no meaning” (p. 13). Tabak (2014) identifies context with the social and the collective, as contrasted with a focus on the cognitive and the individual. Talja et al. (1999), in an article devoted to how information behavior researchers have dealt with the study of context, characterize context as “a background for something the researcher wishes to understand and explain” (p. 752). They go on to describe context as
… the site where a phenomenon is constituted as an object to us … any factors or variables that are seen to affect individuals' information-seeking behavior: socioeconomic conditions, work roles, tasks, problem situations, communities and organizations with their structures and cultures, etc. (p. 754)
A term related to context is situation. Talja and Nyce (2015) explain that while some view situation as synonymous with context, others view it as a smaller unit; that “within a context, a specific activity setting, or domain, various kinds of situations emerge, and different domains typically entail different kinds of typical situations” (p. 62). Investigators in the disciplines of both information science and communication have had much to say about the importance and influence of situation in relation to people's information behaviors. Dervin (1997) says when research is “focused on relationships between people, then factors describing the situation can become context” (p. 14). Savolainen (1993) holds that “the term situation refers to the time-space context in which sense is constructed” (p. 17). Vakkari (1997), in calling for closer attention to be paid to the influences of groups and society, notes that information seeking is “seen as embedded in the actions, tasks and situations they are supporting” (p. 457). Savolainen (2012a) identifies three major contexts affecting the formation and satisfaction of individuals' information needs: situation of action, task performance, and dialogue.
Cool (2001), Johnson (2003), Tabak (2014), and Huvila (2019) have described how context and situation have been defined. Johnson (2003) says context is commonly used in three, progressively complex, senses: as equivalent to the situation in which a process is immersed (a positivist orientation, specifying factors that moderate relationships); as contingency aspects of situations that have specific effects (a postpositivist view that emphasizes the prediction of outcomes); and as frameworks of meaning (a postmodern sense in which the individual is inseparable from the context). In contrast, Huvila (2019) discusses set theory, actor–network theory and agential realism as productive approaches to identifying context. Tabak (2014) also endorses actor–network theory as a means of clarifying foreground and background.
Another important aspect is related to the relationship between the mind, the body, and the situations people encounter, as they are embedded – or emplaced – within the context they experience. Since at least the color perception studies of the 1970s (see Rosch & Lloyd, 1978), it has been conjectured that bodily sensations greatly influence our thoughts, feelings, and decisions. It is no surprise that embodiment should come under scrutiny in the context of information behavior. Bonner and Lloyd (2011), for example, document how the sense of smell is used by renal care nurses in their work. Other studies that consider embodiment include Cox et al. (2017), Guzik (2018), Lloyd (2014, 2010), Lueg (2015), Olsson (2016), Olsson and Lloyd (2017), Polkinghorne (2021), and Veinot and Pierce (2019).
Context and situation are important concepts for information behavior research, even if they are ill defined. Information needs do not arise in a vacuum, but owe their existence to some history, purpose, and influence. The seeker – whether actively looking for information or receiving information through serendipity – exists in an environment that partially determines, constrains, and supports the types of needs and inquiries that arise. Seekers also have their own memories, predispositions, and motivations – i.e., internal environments of influence. Similar examples are offered by scholars who make arguments for holism in information behavior studies (e.g., Hartel, 2019; Polkinghorne & Given, 2021).
Such is the importance of context that it has given rise to a long-running series of conferences, the Information Seeking in Context (ISIC) meetings, which have taken place in even-numbered years since 1996. Many of the works cited in this volume were presented at that conference, with selected proceeding papers published in Information Research.
3.1.3 Information Sharing and Collaboration
Much of the early information behavior research adopted an individual perspective. Finding information, making sense of it, and applying it was typically examined as the work of one person at a time, while accounting rather weakly for the social world that the person inhabited. However, we know that people often work in groups, and that they actively share information among themselves, even when not working towards a common goal. For this reason, an exclusive focus on individuals is often inadequate (Hartel, 2019; Talja & Nyce, 2015). Researchers have increasingly gravitated toward theories (e.g., Situated Learning, Communities of Practice, Activity Theory) that account for social groups or cultures, and to examine how communities develop norms and practices around information gathering and dissemination.
Misinformation vs. Disinformation – What's the Difference?
As sharing information online has increased exponentially, misinformation and disinformation have become increasingly important topics to consider. Søe (2018) distinguishes these concepts by intention: disinformation (e.g., a lie; a propaganda video) intends to deceive, while misinformation (i.e., inaccuracies – or honest mistakes) are unintended, arising from ignorance or bias. Most disinformation definitions exclude satires and parodies, as their intent is to entertain or spark critical thinking, presuming the audience knows the truth is being altered for effect, and not to deceive. While misinformation and disinformation are not new (see Fox, 1983), these terms are often conflated. Journalists mix many types together, including propaganda, hoax, rumors, clickbait, misleading images, false contexts, and altered videos (Cooke, 2022; Zannettou, Sirivianos, Blackburn & Kourtellis, 2019). Yet, by putting disinformation in a separate category, philosophers (e.g., Fallis, 2015) can tease out useful nuances. For example, simple lies are intended to directly mislead the audience from a particular truth, while elaborate disinformation campaigns (e.g., conspiracy theories) are intended to benefit their creators in many ways, often over longer timeframes.
Sharing information may be considered the broadest category of interpersonal information behavior. Sharing most commonly takes place between two individuals, as in a conversation or an email exchange. Sometimes these exchanges are situational; at other times sharing occurs arround joint tasks. As Talja and Nyce (2015) point out, personal situations are “more ambiguous and less predictable” (p. 62) than that of individuals performing well-defined tasks. So, it is not surprising that the latter form a distinct subgroup (sometimes called collaboration), among studies of sharing information.
As a number of studies demonstrate, networks of individuals operating outside of work environments may exchange information frequently; these are present, for example, in the communities that form around health problems (e.g., Chen, 2015; Chuang & Yang, 2014; Costello, 2017; Rothschild & Aharony, 2016; Veinot, 2010) and leisure pursuits (e.g., Bronstein & Lidor, 2021; Cox et al., 2017; Hartel, 2014a; Joseph, 2016; Mansourian, 2021; Skov, 2013). New technologies have provided additional insights into the information sharing activities of scholars, as well. Ross et al. (2011), for example, used Twitter archives and questionnaires to examine communication among attendees at a digital humanities conference. They detail how tweets help attendees collaboratively create knowledge, document events, and feel connected to others. Given and Willson's (2015) study of humanities scholars' collaborative information seeking also provides insights into the use of online tools for information sharing and other collaborative activities. Wilson (2010a) charts the rapid growth in publications about “sharing information” as it became a popular topic about the year 2000. It is now commonly studied, with findings quite unique to the situation under examination. Some recent studies of ad hoc (mostly online) groups sharing information include: Harlan et al. (2014), Lee and Kang (2018), Lindau et al. (2022), Osatuyi (2013), Ryan et al. (2016), Savolainen (2015a, 2019), Ye et al. (2021), and Zhu et al. (2019).
However, much of the research concerning sharing focuses on work environments, and features collaboration in the pursuit of some common task or project. Indeed, Fidel et al. (2004) point out that information seeking by multiple persons should only be labeled collaborative if the individuals involved do share a common goal, whether work-related or not. Given and Willson (2015) note that the concept of collaboration (and the information tasks individuals pursue in collaborative work) must be viewed as a spectrum of solo and group activities, rather than a term that denotes a singular, shared definition.
Healthcare settings provide an interesting context for studying information sharing, particularly among practitioners. Isah and Byström (2015, 2017, 2020) applied Activity Theory in observing a university hospital, demonstrating how collective knowledge is constructed through interactions among doctors, patients, and case records. An ethnographic study of an emergency department patient care team identified seven types of patient information needs. These mainly concerned medical information, information about the medical team, and information about the hospital (Reddy & Spence, 2008). Searches for information were triggered by lack of expertise, lack of immediately accessible information, or complex needs (Reddy & Jansen, 2008). Scott et al.’s (2017) study of information behaviors related to pediatric emergency care demonstrated the importance of accepted treatments for common conditions, clinical pathways and practice guidelines, and professional development for information sharing across diverse teams. Hertzum and Hansen (2019) examine methodological challenges in undertaking studies of collaboration, including in medical settings, while Granikov et al. (2022) offer a framework for collaborative scanning. Gallagher and Olsson (2019) examine physician transitions from training to practice, including the formation of professional identities in the context of societal obligations.
Talja and Nyce (2015) and Shah (2014) show that collaboration has been studied in many work contexts. Their reviews emphasize that collaboration involves people interacting with a task or situation, and that this takes place within a social context, such as an organization. Prime locations for collaborative information sharing occur in knowledge-intensive work, such as healthcare (e.g., Granikov et al., 2022; Hertzum & Reddy, 2015; Isah & Byström, 2015, 2017, 2020; Johnson, 2019; Sonnenwald et al., 2014), scientific or academic research (e.g., Chung et al., 2016; Given & Willson, 2015; Pilerot, 2013, 2014), education (Shah & Leeder, 2016), software design (e.g., Harviainen et al., 2022), marketing (Du, 2014), or policing (e.g., Abrahamson & Goodman-Delahunty, 2013; Tian et al., 2021).
Several other labels are relevant to this category of studies. Computer-Supported Cooperative Work is a characterization long used by those involved in the design of information systems. Yet, because sharing information does not depend on using computers, other characterizations of it have come into use among information behavior researchers, including collaborative information seeking, distributed cognition, and knowledge management. Among other recent publications that discuss collaborative information sharing are Alshahrani and Rasmussen Pennington (2020), Burgess et al. (2022), Koh (2013), O'Connor (2013), Savolainen (2015a), Shah (2014), Sin and Kim (2013), Tabak and Willson (2012) and Worrall and Oh (2013).
3.1.4 Information Use
We come, at last, to the use of the information found through seeking. One would think that, given the frequency with which the word “use” occurs in the information behavior literature, that much has been done to define and measure it – yet this is true only in a limited sense. Savolainen (2009a) notes “Information use is a generic concept that is frequently referred to but rarely explicated” (p. 187). Evidence supporting Savolainen's statement is found in studies by Järvelin and Vakkari (1993), Tuomaala et al. (2014), Mishra et al. (2015) and Case and O'Connor (2016). Due to the ambiguity of the word use, there has been some confusion about what is being included under this label. Most commonly, information use has been characterized as the consolidation of particular sources or channels of information, even though the more important aspect is the outcomes that use provokes – an effect on the person receiving the information.
Misinformation and Disinformation: Examples of Information Behavior Studies
Information behavior scholars use various classifications for these concepts. Ruokolainen and Widén's (2020) constructionist view contrasts perceived versus normative misinformation; the former represents the receiver's point of view, in a particular context, while the latter represents truth judgments of larger sets of receivers, often in very different contexts. These perceptions of truth are particularly relevant to studies of information behavior of people in vulnerable situations. Asylum seekers, for example, arrive as outsiders to a culture; they face barriers and uncertainties, and develop their own networks, to share and interpret information within their communities and contexts. Karlova and Fisher (2013) also make the case for considering subjective aspects of misinformation, disinformation, and truth. Wall et al.'s (2017) study of Syrian refugees showed interviewees' lived experiences under authoritarianism, along with repeated experiences with misinformation on Facebook, led them to mistrust most information on social media; they typically phoned trusted people to validate suspicious information.
Over the years, scholars have noted that many studies measure needs, demands, seeking and/or gathering of information, but relatively few examine how retrieved information is used – i.e., the effects (Taylor, 1986), consequences (Paisley, 1968), impacts (Rich, 1997) or outcomes (Kari, 2007) of information seeking. Part of the problem is due to the vagueness of the word “use.” Relatively early in the history of information behavior research, Brittain (1970) noted “ambiguity resides in the term ‘use’ … most frequently … it refers to the study of the gathering stage of use rather than the use to which information is put” (p. 1). Echoing Brittain, Taylor (1986) notes that
The concept of “use” of information is quite ambiguous. Depending on context, it may mean the act of choosing a reference to a document … [or] receiving an answer to a question … [or] insertion of a chunk of information into a report or the direct input to a decision. (pp. 10–11)
This ambiguity is highlighted in Kari's (2010) examination of the literature, which found seven different conceptualizations of information use: as information practice, as information search, as information processing, as knowledge construction, as information production, as applying information, and as effects of information.
Even if we exclude the information gathering stage and focus on later stage definitions of use, we then encounter additional considerations. For example, Rich (1975) distinguished between conceptual and instrumental use of information: the former changes the way users know and/or think, while the latter results in observable changes in behavior, such as actions, enacted decisions, or explanations. Similarly, Taylor (1986) categorizes the purposes for information into two types: tangible and intangible functions. Tangible functions include “direct triggers for action and responses to questions,” while the intangible include “informing, instructing, clarifying, and socializing” (p. 184). These distinctions parallel Ruthven's (2021) arousal versus action distinction in awareness of resonating information.
So, exposure to information can result in at least two kinds of results: changes in the knowledge of the recipient (conceptual or intangible), and application of the information to some task or decision (instrumental or tangible). Vakkari (1997, 1999, 2008) has repeatedly called attention to the neglect of information use in information behavior research, most pointedly in a section of his 1997 paper titled “information use is a seldom studied area” (p. 460). In a later publication, Vakkari (1999) explains that actions we label use are typically mere consultations of one or more channels of information – e.g., browsing the library or searching a database. Such actions tell us nothing about the effect of finding information, either how it changes people's thinking or how people subsequently apply it in a task or decision. Other scholars, including Giannini (1998), Todd (1999), Kirk (2002), Kari (2007), Tenopir (2011), Pluye et al. (2013), Ruthven (2021) and Granikov et al. (2022), make similar observations of this gap in the literature. For these authors, information use is defined as including both what a person does with information (active use) and the effect of information on a person's experiences (passive use). Thus, using information does not simply mean to become aware of it, but also encompasses its effects on people's thinking, feelings, bodies, and actions.
Postmodern, theoretical approaches to holistic understandings of information use have also emerged in the last few decades (e.g., Given, 2002b, 2005; Lloyd, 2007a, 2007b, 2009, 2017, 2021; Lloyd & Hicks, 2021; Lloyd & Olsson, 2019; McKenzie, 2009, 2010; Olsson 2010a, 2010b; Polkinghorne & Given, 2021; Savolainen, 2013, 2014; Talja, 2002, 2010). As Julien et al. (2011) note, many of these are represented not by the terms information seeking or information behavior; rather “other labels for the same general topic area include information practices, which is becoming more fashionable, particularly among social constructionists” (p. 19).
3.1.5 Information Creation
While the focus of information behavior is often on information that already exists, an important information activity is the process of information creation. Information creation has become an area of increased interest and research, though it remains relatively understudied. However, Gorichanaz (2019) makes the case that previous information behavior research has addressed information creation, though not necessarily using this term. For example, when studying the information behavior of academics, researchers have discussed writing (e.g., Chu, 1999; Palmer & Neumann, 2002; Palmer et al., 2009) – a fundamental information creation activity but one that has received little attention as such. For example, Chu (1999) identified six stages in the literary critics' research process. Information creation takes place during two of the stages – elaboration (ideas are sketched out, an outline is produced, ideas are discussed) and analysis and writing (the work is drafted and revised, help is acquired, more information is sought).
Gorichanaz (2019), in addressing information creation directly, has defined it as “when a person applies some information to create new information” (p. 999). From this definition, it can be viewed as related to or a type of information use – applying acquired information to accomplish something. Information creation can include both mental creation (e.g., coming up with new ideas) and physical manifestation of creation (e.g., new social media content). Some researchers have begun to address information creation directly in their studies. For example, Willson (2022) describes how academics “bounce ideas” with one another as a way of working on and expanding an idea. Bouncing ideas is a complex information practice, a process that is “active, iterative, and generative, resulting in the creation of new information that is then subject to further work or implementation” (p. 811). Koh (2013) describes the “information-creating behavior” of adolescents when using digital media, including remixing (reusing information in creative ways to produce new information) and tinkering (information production through evolving an idea by iteratively making modifications, using trial and error, and experimenting). Harlan et al. (2012) examine the information practices of teen content creators when creating and sharing digital content on social media. The creating practices – described as an “act of using a variety of information, both practical information regarding tools and inspirational information that is the genesis for creating” (p. 582) – include copying, modeling, and composing content.
3.2 Situational and Contextual Approaches to Studying Information Behavior Complexity
One of the most common strategies for studying information behavior complexity is to identify specific situations and contexts that shape how people engage with information. For example, being newly diagnosed with cancer places a person in a situation where they lack relevant and new information; studies can explore the person's individual information and affective needs, the organizational structures and systems that provide that information (e.g., hospitals, health technologies), and the ways the diagnosed person integrates this new life circumstance into their information worlds. Previously, researchers often sought to limit complexity by focusing their investigations on, for example, the types of resources accessed by newly diagnosed cancer patients. Today, many researchers seek to embrace complexity; they may still examine resource types, but they also focus on patients' interpretations of those resources, on how such materials help (or hinder) patients' interactions with health professionals, on how they share (or choose not to share) information with friends or other diagnosed individuals, and how those resources are used over time. The patients' other life circumstances (e.g., employment; family supports) are also considered, as are health policy (e.g., health insurance costs) and practice (e.g., hospital staffing shortages) contexts.
Contextual approaches also intersect with situational domains. Such approaches position people's information behavior within a broader frame of reference, which cannot easily be separated from the situational aspects of a topic or from the person. For example, studying first-in-family experiences of undergraduate education or gendered experiences of health-related information needs and contexts provide additional layers of complexity that help researchers to better understand people's information behaviors.
The sections that follow present examples of studies related to some of the most prevalent situations influencing contemporary information behavior research. While these sections are not a definitive list, nor do they include all types of studies (or situations, or contexts) examined to date, they demonstrate the shift away from atomistic and transactional views of information behavior towards studies that aim to account for the whole person situated within their broader sociocultural environment.
3.2.1 Health and Well-Being
Three factors have contributed to continued growth in the seeking of medical information by healthcare consumers: an increased concern with health, in general, and with preventive medicine in particular; a growing number of self-help texts; and the proliferation of consumer health information sites and online provider portals. Health and well-being, including managing emergent situations, are among the most prevalent topics for studies of information behavior scholars. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrates the complex nature of such topics as prevention, vaccination, diagnosis, prognosis, and treatments and how these define individuals, families, and healthcare practitioners' diverse approaches to information seeking and use (see the Sidebars in this section for details on how information behavior researchers are studying COVID-19).
The COVID-19 Pandemic as Context for People's Information Experiences
Writing this book during a global pandemic has highlighted the importance of studying people's engagement with information. While the virus is officially called severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), most people call it COVID-19. The pandemic began in November 2019; by late October 2022, confirmed cases exceeded 629 million and the number of “excess deaths” (i.e., those occurring earlier than expected) totaling more than 6.56 million, worldwide (https://covid19.who.int/).
The first few years of COVID-19 changed our lives significantly, affecting where we went, how we made a living, how we shopped, how we spent our leisure time, how we felt, and how we planned. Rolling lockdowns and new variants of the disease created anxiety, uncertainty, isolation, and work loss (Griffiths et al., 2022). The scope and variety of information behavior-related research questions has been vast, including: What do people want to know about COVID-19 – its effects, symptoms, spread, and prevention of infection? Where do they look for information? Has information seeking about COVID-19 changed over time? How and why does virus misinformation spread? Does belief in the virus and its treatments vary across populations and locations? How has the pandemic changed our habits? How has it affected our mental health? How do people use information to cope and adapt during a pandemic?
The growth and easy accessibility of health websites continues to shape individuals' behaviors. For those with adequate access and health literacy, using the internet to look for medical information is common, and often the “first source of consumer health information” (Pluye et al., 2019, p. 643). A recent review of international studies (Jia et al., 2021) concludes that between 70% and 86% of internet users search for health information, with usage highest in Asia. According to a five-nation qualitative study (Diviani et al., 2019), the purposes and consequences for searches appear to be similar across countries, at least the developed ones that constituted that sample. Kim (2015) found demographic and health status differences between searchers of medical information and those who were more likely to search general information, such as news; medical information seekers were more likely to have health problems and to have lower incomes. Estimates of the quality of information on medical websites vary widely (Zhang et al., 2015), but quality appears to be improving as better assessment methods are developed and as consumers grow more sophisticated.
Given the importance and popularity of health-related topics, the relevant literature is enormous and spread across many disciplines, including information studies, medical informatics, communication, public health, nursing, and medicine. As Greyson and Johnson (2016) note, the literature of public health and communication is more focused on changing health behaviors than on simply being informed.
Here we focus on emerging trends in research of the last two decades. Three types of health information have received more attention recently: that shared via social media (e.g., Facebook, Quora, Reddit, Blurtit, and discussion forums for specific health conditions or issues); that found in personal medical records, such as health histories, case notes, laboratory results, treatments, inoculations, and insurance records; and the outcome of receiving and using health information. Each of these three topics is explored in turn. A fourth, emerging research focus, information (and misinformation) about COVID-19, is addressed in Sidebars in this section.
Misinformation and Disinformation: A Particular Problem in the Pandemic
Misinformation and disinformation – and their origins – have been a special focus of COVID-19 investigations. Xie, He et al. (2020) believe the pandemic constitutes “an information crisis” in which scholars of information behavior should address misinformation and health literacy. Naeem et al. (2020) illustrate the types and sources of COVID-19 misinformation among 1,225 social media examples, calling it an “infodemic.” Savolainen (2021) examined a Reddit discussion group to see how users assessed the credibility of postings on vaccines. He found users were sensitive to authors' competency, credibility, honesty, and the plausibility of their arguments.
Within examinations of misinformation, scholars have considered how the pandemic has become politicized in some nations. Lachlan et al. (2021) considered whether the notion of “echo chambers” – habitual selection of only those sources that conform to one's existing beliefs – applied to risk perceptions about COVID-19. Based on surveys of 5,000 adults, they concluded that perceptions of risk varied by one's political preferences, but this did not itself cause echo chambers. Instead, their results suggest that those with low information seeking in general tend to be more influenced by politicized sources. Romer and Jamieson (2020) found that belief in three specific political conspiracy theories predicted whether people used face masks and/or got vaccinated. Masks are very effective at reducing the spread of viruses to others, and yet misunderstood and underutilized by the public, according to van der Westhuizen, Kotze et al. (2020). Masks also have various meanings and differing levels of acceptance across cultures. The authors support the distribution and publicizing of masks, highlighting a creative Czech campaign that encouraged their use.
Many health conditions have appeared on social media, including discussions of pregnancy, diabetes, obesity, HIV, attention-deficit disorder, multiple sclerosis, Parkinson's disease, heart disease, depression, and various types of cancer. Literature reviews by Laukka et al. (2019), and Zhao and Zhang (2017) emphasize empowerment, emotional support, and interpersonal communication as reasons that patients and their caregivers participate in online discussion forums, while Zhao and Zhang (2017) note that lack of quality and authority in postings can discourage use. Librarians and nurses tend to be critical of the quality of answers on such forums and question/answer sites, according to Oh and Worrall (2013) and Chu et al. (2018). Other research concludes that health advice on forums is mostly sound (e.g., Cole et al., 2015), although communicable diseases and vaccinations (especially for COVID-19) have been a more recent and notable exception to such a generalization (Rolls & Massey, 2021).
It is also true that users apply multiple criteria for selecting health information, beyond accessibility and quality (Zhang, 2014); for example, those with stigmatic conditions, such as mental illness, may find online discussions more comfortable (Naslund et al., 2016; Rasmussen Pennington et al., 2013). Many studies of social media (e.g., Chen, 2015; Chuang & Yang, 2014; Godbold, 2013; Hamm et al., 2013; Kim & Syn, 2016; Pálsdóttir, 2014; Worrall & Oh, 2013) suggest that social interaction encourages proactive behavior change, as well as helping participants to cope with challenges. Oh et al. (2016) demonstrate that posters of cancer-related questions on Yahoo! Answers also reveal demographic, situational, emotional, and social background that may be of use to health professionals and systems designers. Unfortunately, some major search engines have discontinued their Q&A functions (e.g., Google Answers in 2006, and Yahoo! Answers in 2021); however, many condition-specific discussion sites have arisen to replace them.
Local hospital and clinic (and in some countries, nation-wide) portals now allow patients to read the results of their tests, procedures, and provider visits. Huvila et al. (2016) review the advantages (such as patient empowerment and engagement) and potential drawbacks (e.g., lack of health literacy, security and legal issues, increased work, and cost) of providing printed records to patients, within the context of structuration theory. Gerard et al. (2017) found many positive benefits from patients who read their after-visit notes, including positive feelings, the ability to share with care partners, correct errors, communicate with health professionals, and as an aid to memory. Huvila et al. (2016), Huvila et al. (2018), and Huvila et al. (2019) examined differences in experience and age cohorts among patients who read their medical records. Among their findings: many users say they understand their records; many would like to see additional information (referral letters, medications, vaccinations, test results); older adults (ages 55–70) were more likely to use the telephone to clarify their understanding, younger patients more likely to use the internet for an answer, while other patients may wait until their next visit to ask questions, or do not follow up at all. Some differences in whether and how patients use e-health are related to their attitudes toward digital records and perceptions of their potential utility (Huvila et al., 2015). Taking a Personal Information Management approach, Kim et al. (2020) examine a large sample of university students to understand why some were less active in managing their own health records. The less active students (who tended to be male) were more likely to rely on parents to keep track of their records, and more likely to search mass media and the internet for health information than to consult professionals.
Although the dissemination of health advice to the general public has always been important, a critical question is “why don't people act on the information they have?” Making useful (and potentially life-saving) information available to patients is the easier part of the equation; getting them to apply it is much more difficult. Pálsdóttir's (2014) research found that passivity may decrease when health information is encountered through social media, a finding also suggested in other studies (e.g., Chuang & Yang, 2014; Kim & Syn, 2016; Oh et al., 2016). Huisman et al. (2020) reminds us that sharing through face-to-face interaction increases circulation and acceptance of medical information just as social media does.
Another area of novel research concerns the actual application or use of health information, and its consequences of outcomes. Zimmerman and Shaw (2020) include outcomes in analyzing the concept of health information seeking behavior, dividing them into cognitive, behavioral, and affective. They identified 41 studies that mentioned outcomes, including increased knowledge about diseases and medical procedures, making treatment decisions, increasing self-care or vaccination, lower anxiety, increased self-efficacy, more positive feelings about one's health, and adhering to treatment plans. Pluye et al. (2019) derive a more elaborate outcome framework from analysis of 65 studies, including both patients and general consumers of health information, and both positive and negative health-related outcomes. Their contingent, four-level progression includes, first, determination of situational relevance (reading or skipping a webpage), then cognitive impacts (e.g., learning something, or change in attitude), followed by use of information (for decision-making, discussion, or social support), and finally health outcomes (e.g., prevention behavior, or problem management). The types of outcomes are many, including not just the effects of having medical treatment but also outcomes on satisfaction or personal relationships, and impacts on health professionals and their organizations.
In a different vein, Brown and Veinot (2020) offer examples of how family members can use health information to control patients through tactics like questioning their behavior, repeating certain messages, raising concerns, or prompting feelings of guilt. Wolf and Veinot (2015) explore a related theme, the use of biomedical information by the chronically ill to maintain autonomy and identity in contested interactions with family and friends. Veinot et al. (2011) show how collaborative information seeking between chronic disease patients and their family can create tensions among them.
While this review has covered mainly emerging topics of the most recent decade or so, there is a host of additional information behavior literature on disease-specific studies, including a large corpus of findings about the COVID-19 pandemic of recent years.
3.2.2 Education and Learning
Another situation that is widely studied in the information behavior literature is that of education, including formal (from kindergarten to university) and informal learning activities. There is a large body of work on students' in-classroom, online, and assignment-related activities, across ages, topic areas, and countries. Gross (2001) and Gross and Saxton (2001), for example, present reports of two investigations of “imposed” information seeking – queries developed by one person (usually a teacher) and given to someone else to resolve – in public and school libraries. Gross' first study took place in three elementary school libraries and found that between 32 and 43% of all circulation transactions involved imposed queries. The second survey, undertaken in 13 public libraries among 1,107 older users, also indicates that instructors' assignments are still a major source of imposed queries, along with requests from spouses and children of library users. Additional studies by Gross (2004a, 2004b) also concern imposed queries and information seeking in schools. Beautyman and Shenton (2009) examined the way that elementary school assignments sometimes lead to stimulation of students' curiosity and information seeking – a topic explored with adolescents by Bowler (2010). A related review by Hultgren and Limberg (2003) of the learning and information behavior literature suggested a strong relationship between the nature of school assignments and the ways in which students seek and use information.
Looking at student papers, Cole et al. (2013) coded 16 middle school student proposals for evidence of implicit knowledge and correlated that analysis with the score given by the instructor. Their investigation employed Kuhlthau's (1991) Information Search Process (ISP) model to demonstrate how students construct knowledge in the course of carrying out a school assignment. Sormunen and Lehtiö (2011) and Sormunen et al. (2012) show how close analysis of secondary school student papers can link the student's writing to the sources used and assess the degree to which source material was simply copied-and-pasted rather than synthesized and restated in the student's own words. Using the method described in the latter investigation enables assessment of a variety of other measures, such as accuracy of citing, types of claims (facts versus interpretations), and credibility of arguments. Hirvonen and Palmgren-Neuvonen (2019) examined how group projects can help secondary students to recognize cognitive authority in health-related sources.
University students have frequently been sampled in information behavior investigations. Whitmire (2003) examined the information seeking of 20 senior undergraduates as they researched a major paper, basing her investigation on Kuhlthau's ISP model and four other research models from educational psychology. She found students' epistemological beliefs (e.g., that right and wrong answers exist for everything, versus the idea that all knowledge is contextual) affected their choice of topic, the ways they looked for information, how they evaluated it, and their ability to recognize cognitive authority. In a similar vein, Willson and Given (2014) examined the self-concept and self-efficacy of 38 university students in a search task, finding that this shaped their interactions with information. The Willson and Given (2014) investigation, and that of Karlsson et al. (2012), were used to establish typologies of information seeking styles for research tasks. Clark (2017) reviews studies of imposed queries on the performance and self-efficacy of university students.
Foster and Ford (2003) examined the role of serendipity in the information behavior of 45 university students and faculty, particularly how they accidentally or incidentally acquired information of interest to them. Foster (2004) identifies three “core processes” (p. 232) and three levels of interaction with the context of the information – likening chosen behaviors to selections from an artist's “palette” (p. 235).
Given (2002a, 2002b) used Savolainen's (1995) everyday life information seeking framework to interview 25 mature university undergraduates, exploring how the academic and nonacademic information needs of these students relate to one another, including the role of social and cultural capital. Interviews and observations by Jeong (2004) revealed gaps in the knowledge of Korean graduate students in the United States regarding American culture; he documented language and financial barriers that inhibited these students from learning more about their surroundings. Sin and Kim (2013) found 97% of their sample of international students made use of social networking sites to find information useful to their everyday lives, particularly regarding health, finance, and news from their native lands. Another study of everyday information seeking by university students (Williamson et al., 2012) found widespread use of print and online newspapers, as well as social media. Matusiak et al. (2019) explored the use of images in the academic work of undergraduate and graduate students. They conclude that students lack skills in finding and evaluating images and tend to use them mainly in presentations rather than in academic papers.
Heinström (2003) tested the personality attributes of 305 master's degree students in a variety of disciplines, finding that five personality dimensions – neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience, competitiveness, and conscientiousness – interact with contextual factors to affect students' information behavior. Toms and Duff (2002) used interviews and diaries of visits to archives to study 11 history students, mostly at the doctoral level. Toms and Duff note that diaries provide strong evidence that complements data gathered in interviews, yet which depends heavily on the commitment of respondents to complete the diary. Diaries were also used with Lee et al.'s (2012) large sample of undergraduates, finding that they used a wide variety of sources (one-third of them not online) to address their information needs.
Constance Mellon (1986) studied a large sample of university students to explore the role of anxiety in the search for information in libraries, a theme also explored in other studies of college (e.g., Jiao & Onwuegbuzie, 1997) and high school (Kuhlthau, 1988a, 1991) students. The information behavior of doctoral students was studied by Cole (1998), Mehra (2007), Seldén (2001), Bøyum and Aabø (2015), and Moore and Singley (2019). Additional studies of university students have been conducted by Cole et al. (2005), Hyldegård (2009), Kerins et al. (2004), and Barahmanda et al. (2019), among many others. Connaway et al. (2011) also include some students in their study of information source convenience, and Heinström's (2006) studies of incidental information acquisition included respondents ranging from grade six to master's degree level. Julien (1999) examined the information seeking of high-school age students, a group also featured in Lilley (2008) and Haras (2011), which focus more on the potential influence of ethnicity on information behaviors.
3.2.3 Leisure and Entertainment
Due perhaps to the influence of Savolainen's (1995) Everyday Life Information Seeking (ELIS) framework, along with Stebbins' (2001, 2009, 2018) Serious Leisure research agenda, more attention has been paid to nonwork information behavior, including such voluntary activities as engaging in hobbies, games, and sports. As highlighted by Borlund and Pharo (2019) leisure activities account for a large proportion of nonwork-related information seeking. These are preoccupations that go beyond a single experience or project, and are not paid work, yet may be work-like in the intensity and time frame in which they are pursued. Hartel's early (2003, 2005) and later works with other colleagues (Cox et al., 2017; Hartel et al., 2016) examine much of the literature on serious leisure. Hartel (2014a) contains a useful figure distilling serious leisure into three general categories: hobbyist (e.g., collecting stamps), volunteer (e.g., in a hospice) and amateur (e.g., playing in a community orchestra). A contrasting scheme is that of Mansourian (2020), who defines three groups (intellectual pursuits, creating or collecting physical objects, experiential activities) and three categories of activity (appreciators, producers/collectors, performers). Mansourian (2020) provides a comprehensive overview of research themes and publications. Hartel (2014a) also suggests that many types of sustained adult reading and learning (such as genealogy) fall into the category of “liberal arts hobby,” and are worthy of further investigation. As Barriage (2015) establishes, children also practice hobbies. Many of the individual studies described below also contain reviews of research in a particular domain (e.g., genealogy, collecting, travel, cooking, games, or sports).
Genealogy has been a popular topic in the hobbyist genre of information behavior studies (Hartel, 2014a), perhaps because amateur genealogists are frequent users of libraries, archives, and the internet (Molto, 2010) and thus engage heavily with information. According to Bishop (2005) we could see genealogy as the collecting of people. Assembling family histories is one of the most popular hobbies in such countries as the United States, Canada, and Australia. Genealogy is a leisure pursuit with deep psychological motivations, particularly the quest for self-identity. Duff and Johnson's (2002) study was perhaps the first to focus on information behavior, examining patterns of use of libraries, archives, librarians, archivists, and other family historians. Yakel (2004) interviewed 29 genealogists and family historians, finding that the activity was a form of seeking meaning and led to the formation and use of strong social networks. In particular, information sharing via the internet and genealogical societies was very common, a theme also explored by Yakel and Torres (2007). Another prolific researcher on this topic has been Fulton (2005a, 2009a, 2009b). Her publications report interviews with 24 amateur genealogists from multiple nations, again with emphasis on the reciprocal sharing of information and the social and psychological benefits of this pastime. Friday (2014) presents a model of family history searching, based on nearly 4,000 survey responses, followed by smaller subsamples of diaries and shadowing sessions. Darby and Clough (2013) offer another model, emphasizing the stages of genealogical research. Case (2009b) explores the links between genealogy and health, suggesting that promoting family histories could be a way to increase awareness of healthy behaviors by focusing attention on ancestors' illnesses.
Traveling and tourism have attracted much recent attention in information behavior studies. An investigation of travelers' sharing of information online (Lueg, 2008) shows how their interactions create communities of knowledge production. Little et al. (2011) write about the historical evolution of information sources and habits of airline passengers. Chang (2009) turns her attention to the sport of backpacking, focusing on how those travelers gather information, finding that their use of sources varies by task, and tends to occur over three stages. A similar study is that by Hyatt (2017) of Pacific Crest Trail hikers. Exploring urban environments is the subject of Fulton (2017). Other investigations about travel and tourism include Feng and Agosto (2017), Oliveira and Baracho (2018), Ye (2019), Fardous et al. (2019), and Tan and Kuo (2019). Sharing of information, along with resulting information overload, are frequent themes among these newer studies.
Collecting is another example of a hobby. Perhaps 30% of the public collects something, yet it is not clear why they collect. Case (2009a) studied coin collectors, identifying four of the motivational themes developed by Formanek (1991): extension of the self, financial investment, addiction, and social. The fifth theme, preservation, appeared to have little relevance, perhaps because coins survive for millennia without human intervention. In a subsequent article, Case (2010) narrowed his focus to detecting counterfeit coins in online auctions. Music recordings are another object of collecting studies. Relevant studies include Lee and Downie (2004), Giles et al. (2007), Shuker (2010), Laplante and Downie (2011), Margree et al. (2014), and Vesga Vinchira (2019). Lee and Trace (2009) looked at collectors of rubber ducks. The investigators spotlight the importance of information sharing among members of a community, downplaying the importance of both individual seeking and of formal sources.
Cox et al. (2008) found photo-sharing website Flickr promoted the hobby of amateur photography without the complications of local photography clubs. Their interviews with 11 users suggest high satisfaction with the service, yet possible problems with reciprocal tagging, along with the potential for commercial colonization. Prigoda and McKenzie (2007) examined a group of knitters who meet in a public library, exploring this situation as a ground for both sharing of information and the development of caring and meaning. As examples of “performance,” historical reenactments are the focus of Robinson and Yerbury (2015), while amateur music performance is discussed by Kostagiolas et al. (2015), and Hartel et al. (2016). More recently, Bronstein and Lidor (2021) examined a virtual community's motivations for seeking music information, while Price and Robinson (2017) explored the information behaviors of cult media fan communities. Forcier (2022) has also examined fan culture, as part of a large study of the onlife practices of fans.
Cooking is another popular hobbyist interest. Hartel's (2010, 2011) study of gourmet cooks shows the degree to which information is critical in support of this hobby; they are also good illustrations of the value of photography in conducting such studies. Polkinghorne's (2021) research also explored people's information practices around food, as part of a large study of people's everyday food experiences. Her findings address how people become informed about food practices, their ethical concerns, the role of food in families and culture, and people's embodied experiences of food practices.
Investing is a hobby for some people, particularly later in life. O'Connor (2011) characterized some of the 16 female investors she studied as hobbyists, examining their sources, motivations, cognitive biases, and interactions with one another. In a later study O'Connor (2013) analyzes the content of online investing forums to reveal the sources amateur investors cite, and the soundness of those. She finds extensive collaboration among investors, but also reliance on sources of questionable quality, including investor gurus, blogs, and commercially sponsored information. O'Connor and Dillingham (2014) analyzed other posts, demonstrating that descriptions of personal experience directly affected how much discussion was generated, and its quality. Another study of the information behavior of investors, although not explicitly hobby-oriented, is by Williamson and Smith (2010).
Games and sports are also common leisure activities that we could consider under this category. Adams (2009) investigates how players in virtual games find the information they need to succeed, and how they form meanings about their activities. Otto et al. (2011) review the information gathering of players of fantasy football and baseball. Hartel et al. (2016) and Gorichanaz (2015, 2017) discuss long-distance running. Horseback riding is studied by Nowé Hedvall et al. (2017). Motorsports clubs are investigated by Joseph (2016), and car restoration (also a potential collecting activity) by Olsson and Lloyd (2017). Players of board games are the focus of an investigation by Wylie Atmore (2017).
Finally, as Ross (1999) points out, reading for pleasure has many information dimensions and is a serious leisure pursuit. This is apparent in Mikkonen and Vakkari's (2016) study of readers' interests and criteria for fiction book selection as they search library catalogs, and in Greifeneder and Gäde's (2020) digital twin bookstore. A parallel situation is the search for videos on YouTube, as explored by Albassam and Ruthven (2020). How public libraries might respond is the subject of VanScoy et al. (2020); maker spaces in libraries, for arts and crafts hobbyists, have been one response (Williams & Willett, 2019).
3.2.4 Citizenship and Political Engagement
Investigations of the public (including citizens and voters), often aspire to improve community and democracy, but also cover other areas of general interest. This includes, for example, debate on specific political issues, activism, and identification of community problems that might benefit from governmental action. Most large-scale information behavior investigations of the general public are now quite dated; the most widely cited is Chen and Hernon's (1982) study of 2,400 US residents, living in New England. Among the more important findings of the study was the individual (and context-driven) nature of residents' information seeking activities. Fifty-two percent of the 3,548 information-seeking situations recounted by Chen and Hernon's informants were information needs about day-to-day problems; the rest were scattered across 18 different problem situations, with none accounting for more than 6% of the total. Typical problems fell into the following categories (in order of importance): work-related issues; consumer issues; home and housing issues; and issues related to education. In each case, interpersonal providers of information were ranked as much more important than institutions or the mass media.
Conspiracy Theories: Complex Examples of Disinformation
This form of disinformation is complex, given the systematic and long-term nature of conspiracies. The pandemic offers many examples, including the 2020 films Plandemic and Indoctornation. Created by amateur filmmaker Mikki Willis, the films feature interviews with several antivaccination advocates. The films make many unsupported claims, which have since been debunked (see Nilsen, 2020), including: the COVID-19 pandemic was planned by elites to gain wealth and power; the virus originated in a Chinese lab funded by Americans; COVID-19 vaccines and face masks increase the likelihood of contracting and dying from the virus; and, the Gates Foundation's polio vaccination project in India paralyzed 490,000 children. Allen (2020) provides useful strategies for assessing the validity of such claims. While Willis' motivations for (and the reasons for viewers' acceptance of) these films are unclear, these may include to: resist vaccination and masking; protect certain civil liberties; promote alternative treatments; undermine faith in government and science; and enhance the reputations and goals of the films' contributors. Whatever the reasons, these conspiracy films operate on several levels – historical, political, medical, organizational, individual – and may continue to persuade viewers, for decades.
Chen and Hernon's research, along with that by Durrance (1984) and Dervin et al. (1984), highlight a methodological shift in surveys of the public. These surveys asked more questions about basic human problems and situations and less about the usual institutions that were supposed to address them. Dervin et al. especially, probed deeper into the origins of, and solutions to, personal “gaps” in life. That investigation interviewed 1,040 Americans in California, who reported an average of 8.5 problem situations within the last month. These situations most commonly concerned (in order): family/friends, managing money, shopping/buying, or learning – all of which were reported by over two-thirds of the respondents. Other common gaps involved current events, recreation, health, jobs, children, transportation, or housing, each of which was mentioned by 40% or more of those questioned.
Savolainen (1995, 1999) describes a pattern of “passive monitoring” of everyday events that takes place when life moves along as we expect, versus “active seeking of practically effective information” that happens when the unexpected arises. A person may watch television absentmindedly to “keep an eye on life” and read the daily paper as an aspect of “belonging in the community” (1995, p. 273). Thus, some aspects of media use (and of information behavior, generally) are not purposeful; rather, they are simply a part of everyday life practices.
Where problem-oriented information seeking is concerned, Savolainen (1995) had similar findings to earlier, large-scale studies like Chen and Hernon (1982): types of everyday problems were diverse, with employment, health, and financial worries being mentioned most frequently. Which sources were pursued for problem-solving depended largely on availability and accessibility, with informal sources (e.g., acquaintances) being used much more commonly than formal sources. Interestingly, a study by Kalms (2008) suggests that some households, aided by the internet and various tools and practices, spend a great deal of effort managing information vital to their lives and households; these include information relevant to many of the “problems” descried in earlier studies (financial, medical, educational, political, legal, etc.), as well as about opportunities for improvement and enjoyment (advice, employment, entertainment, travel, social connections, etc.)
Few other large-sample community studies have been performed in recent decades. For example, Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a telephone survey of 612 urban residents to discover their “information grounds” – the places where they find useful knowledge in the pursuit of other activities. Among other results, they found the most common information grounds to be places of worship (mentioned by 24%), the workplace (22%), and club, sports team, play group, or hobby (nearly 11%); among nine other common places, libraries were ranked third to last at about a 2% incidence; by far the two strongest “habitual” information sources were individuals with whom they had a strong relationship and the internet, each identified by over 39% of the sample. From their sources, the respondents obtained general advice (34%) and information about hobbies or travel (22%) or healthcare (18%). Other large-sample surveys have tended to focus more narrowly on topics such as health (e.g., Pálsdóttir, 2008, 2010, 2011, 2014) or changing political opinions (Lee, 2017).
Another study (Pettigrew et al., 2002) employed a variety of approaches – surveys, observations, interviews, focus groups, and case studies – to assess the use of community information by the public. Libraries in the American states of Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Oregon were sampled to see how the internet and libraries disseminate local information, answer questions, provide access to governmental services, and connect citizens to one another. Audunson and Evjen (2017) consider the role of public library in encouraging policy discourse. A comprehensive review of information behavior in public libraries is found in the chapter by Leckie and Given (2005). Broader examinations, usually featuring the internet as a public sphere for political discourse, include Cruickshank and Hall (2020) and Cruickshank et al. (2020), on online platforms in Scotland for political information and discussion; and Taylor-Smith and Smith (2019) whose case studies of three community/activist groups compare a variety of online (e.g., social media, email and blogs) with paper and offline venues, concluding that they form Socio-Technical Interaction Networks with comparable characteristics.
Baxter et al. (2010) describe their interviews with representatives of 54 nongovernmental organizations that responded to requests by the Scottish government for consultation on policies. These were sampled out of a population of 4,168 who responded to issues such as medical care or the environment. Over half of these could be labeled citizen groups and the rest were mainly professional associations, business grips, or charities. Their external sources were evenly divided between the internet, subject experts, and “like-minded groups.” Not surprisingly common complaints among respondents concerned lack of feedback about, and low effectiveness of, their input to the policy process. Other work by Baxter (2014) considers what the public knew about proposed Scottish property developments, while Baxter and Marcella (2014) examine how voters in the Scottish referendum on independence looked for relevant information online.
When citizens go beyond mere voting to attempt to influence others, we call them “activists.” Savolainen (2008a, 2015a) examined citizens active in politics, in the first study environmental issues, and in the second, online discussions of immigration issues. Another study (Yerbury, 2015) compared Australian and Rwandan activists, showing that the African group were less likely to use the internet to reach people whom they did not already know; the Rwandans were more likely to stay inside their “small worlds,” thus limiting their impact.
Susan Beer (2004) conducted interviews with representatives of over 100 community groups, businesses, and information providers in eight remote communities in Shetland and the Western Isles of Scotland. Beer discovered that strong personal ties within the communities enabled residents to find answers from other people. Her informants complained about the lack of relevance of some information from outside (e.g., “urban solutions”), and occasional withholding of information by local parties (sometimes due to journalistic sensitivity within such small communities). Difficulty of travel – even within the islands themselves – was judged to be a key barrier to finding information.
A dramatic change in the information seeking of the public is tied to the emergence of the internet as an omnibus channel that complements (and, in part, replicates) the usual array of interpersonal and mass media sources of information. Use of the internet, especially, is often discussed in information behavior research. For example, Case et al. (2004) argued that patterns of source preferences common in the past (e.g., a preference for information gained in face-to-face or telephone exchanges with friends and family members) have shifted in the light of the widespread availability of email and websites. They based their findings on data from a 2002 telephone survey of 882 adults regarding information seeking about the genetic basis of disease. Similarly, in the context of voting-related behavior, Kaye and Johnson (2003) used the results of an online survey of 442 respondents to demonstrate that the internet is gradually substituting for other media usage – particularly television, radio and magazines.
Investigations that consider internet use in the context of other sources (unlike those that only focused on the mechanics of information retrieval) have also been prevalent in information behavior research for at least two decades. For example, Hektor (2003) studied 10 Swedish residents, considering the place of internet sources among others available in the respondents' environment, including other people, television, and telephones. Based on interviews and diaries, Hektor noted that the internet was used broadly for both seeking and giving information, yet it was most often a complement or substitute for other sources, not a unique source in itself. Savolainen (2001, 2004), Kari and Savolainen (2003), and Savolainen and Kari (2004a, 2004b) also found the internet was one among many sources and channels used in people's daily lives. Kari and Savolainen (2003) made the case that internet-related searching needed to be considered within the larger contexts of other sources and the person's life-world, or everyday reality. A later article by Savolainen and Kari (2004a) extended this thesis by considering the “information source horizon” of the internet in the context of self-development. Source horizons place information sources and channels in an order of preference, based on attributes like accessibility and quality. Savolainen and Kari's sample of 18 internet users placed information sources into three categories, by degree of relevance to the respondents' interests and goals; human sources such as friends and colleagues were preferred, followed by print media such as newspapers and books; networked sources were ranked third among six source types. Savolainen and Kari's (2004b) interviews found that the informants conceptualized the internet as a space or place, and that they judged what they found there in terms of the quality of other information sources.
Contemporary studies have looked beyond the internet for sources of civic information. Hanlon (2021) looked at information communication within a European social democracy political party. Informal conversations were essential to the work of the party, including learning at individual and group levels. Smith and McMenemy (2017) examined the conceptions of political information of 14- and 15-year-olds in Northern England, including the sources they use to become politically informed and how they evaluate those sources on quality and authority. They used a wide range of sources and are aware of both passively encountering and actively engaging with sources. Their experiences with political information – including how actively they engaged with sources and the complexity of their interactions – varied substantially.
Rather than considering a broad array of information behavior, Yates and Partridge (2015) focused on use of social media by 25 Australian citizens, in the context of natural disasters (floods and a cyclone in Queensland during 2011). Through interviews, they found widespread and effective use of social media (Facebook and Twitter). Their analysis teased out eight themes of messages: connecting with others, reporting on one's well-being, emotional coping, asking for or offering help, brokering (finding, screening, and passing on) information, journalistic reporting of events, comparisons with other media, and descriptions of the experience of using social media during the disaster. They review and compare their findings with, similar studies of Australian (e.g., Taylor et al., 2012), Pakistani (Murthy & Longwell, 2013), and Japanese (e.g., Jung, 2012) disasters. Yates and Partridge conclude that social media can be extremely helpful during disasters and illustrate the value of research on information experience (Bruce et al., 2014).
3.2.5 Purchasing and Consuming
Marketing researchers have often studied individuals' information behaviors. While many of their investigations are proprietary, and thus unpublished, several studies of consumers, shoppers, and the like have appeared in scholarly journals. Consumer research has something interesting to say about information behavior, and according to an analysis by Jamali and Nabavi (2022) two consumer studies journals are among the top 10 noninformation science publications where information behavior research is found. Consumption has drawn the attention of sociologists (e.g., Stebbins, 2009) as well as marketers. Although it is true that most consumer studies are experiments, surveys, and descriptive focus groups aimed at marketing, the breadth of consumer research has widened greatly over the past four decades. More business studies have embraced qualitative methods and pursued more basic questions about human behavior. Many investigations now have less to do with sales and more to do with the concept of sensemaking.
Foxall (1983) argues for an emphasis on the way that situations influence the actions and choices of consumers (pp. 90–93). He identified the following as “situational characteristics”: physical surroundings, social surroundings (other persons present, their characteristics, roles, and interpersonal interactions), temporal perspective (time of day, season of the year, time since/until other relevant action, deadlines, etc.), task definition (e.g., to obtain information about a purchase), and antecedent states and behaviors (such as momentary moods and conditions, as distinct from chronic individual traits). These characteristics have found their way into information behavior research. Xia (2010), for example, finds that both the characteristics of the individual consumer and the particular retail environment influence the degree of browsing that takes place, while Laplante and Downie (2011) discuss how information is gathered about potential purchases.
The notion of “situational variables” is discussed by Belk et al. (1988) who documented the research process of consumers browsing flea markets and swap meets. Case (2009a) used a similar approach for interactions at coin shows. At least two books (Belk, 1995; Bianchi, 1997) and many empirical investigations have been devoted to the intersections among consumption, collecting behavior, taste, flow, and self-concept. There are also theories of “consumer fun” (e.g., Oh & Pham, 2022). A relevant study from the information behavior tradition is Laplante and Downie's (2011) on music information seeking. Their investigation ties together themes of hedonic consumption, engagement, and taste. Xia (2010) and Laplante and Downie (2011) also found that browsing is only partly functional, but rather has strong recreational components. The latter study is echoed in Margree et al.'s (2014) investigation of music record buyers, who regularly browse the holdings of a wide variety of physical (e.g., music stores and charity shops) and online (eBay and Amazon) sellers.
Savolainen's (2009b, 2010) study of house buying is an example of consumer information behavior. Interviews with 16 prospective homebuyers resulted in the creation of information source horizon maps. These depictions allowed Savolainen to tease out the criteria used by these shoppers to screen possible homes for purchase. Internet listings were a prime source of information, yet buyers were particularly sensitive to the timeliness of the information on websites. Savolainen's 2009 article uses a content analysis of the shoppers' think-aloud responses to printed and internet house listings, as they identified those most relevant to their search. Grounded in earlier studies of information processing and consumer choice, his analysis examines the cognitive mechanisms used to interpret cues about dwelling places, including identification of key attributes of importance, specification of more particular details, comparison of attributes across houses, evaluations of dwellings, and explanations for their judgments. The liberal use of quotations from the respondents makes this study interesting reading.
As the costliest purchase a consumer is likely to make, home buying has received more attention in information behavior studies than any other type of purchase. A recent collection is found in the book, Where to live: Information studies on where to live in America, edited by Ocepek and Aspray (2021). Among others, this includes essays on how emotion and time pressure affect buying decisions (Landry, 2021), the privacy issues of smart homes (Doty, 2021), the influence of decorating/remodeling videos on homeowners' taste and behaviors (Ocepek, 2021), and how people choose neighborhoods or communities in which to live (Aspray, 2021; Aspray & Ocepek, 2021).
3.2.6 Immigration and Asylum
Many information behavior studies examining immigrants and asylum seekers' experiences have appeared in the last two decades. Recent wars, civil unrest and climate change have caused unprecedented movements of human populations – which, in turn, have prompted many studies. Eskola et al. (2020) offer a review of relevant research in this area, with an emphasis on refugees.
The Rise of Fake News: A Major Research Focus
Fake news has received significant attention. Tandoc (2019) explores how biases and selective exposure make people prone to believing fake news. A focus group study (Duffy et al., 2019) also shed light on how fake news spreads (as unsuspecting readers share news with friends), including consequences (e.g., damaged relationships). Apuke and Omar (2021) found altruism fueled many people's desires to share interesting (yet fake) news – i.e., to share, inform, or connect with others. Loos et al.'s (2018) study of Netherlands children found only 7% identified a spoof website as unreliable. Rampersad and Althiyabi (2019) concluded that, except for older people (who are more trusting), demographics among Saudi Arabian residents had little influence on belief in fake news. Rather, cultural values (e.g., valuing community beliefs, strong leadership, and rules) had stronger influences on acceptance and use. Fake news can also lead to dangerous outcomes. Former US President's Donald Trump's tweets contributed to the invasion of the Capitol Building (Van Rickstal, 2021). Benetti and Gehrke's (2021) Brazilian study shows how ineffective drugs (e.g., ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine) were promoted by political figures, including then President Jair Bolsonaro, for treating COVID-19.
It is clear from various investigations, including immigrants' personal accounts, that moving to a new land challenges people in many ways. Kennan et al. (2011), Lloyd et al. (2010, 2013), Qayyum et al. (2014) and Lloyd (2020) point to the significant problems immigrants (especially refugees) face, including social exclusion, prejudice, lack of employment, and lack of familiarity with local languages and customs. They characterize immigrants' attempts to acculturate as reflecting both information overload and information poverty. Their studies found that newcomers in Australia were often unaware of service providers (such as libraries) that could help them. Both governmental and private (e.g., church) organizations play a key role in the early stages of settlement (what Kennan, Lloyd et al. call “transitioning”); yet much more help is needed before immigrants feel truly settled. Relatedly Burnett and Lloyd (2019) invoke the concept of desire lines to explore how refugees create their own paths to information and solutions, outside of what is designed or intended for them by others.
Lloyd et al.'s (2017) investigation of Syrian resettlement in Sweden considered the role of social capital in making a place in a new society. Other views of immigrants to Sweden are those of Khan and Eskola (2020) and Kainat et al. (2022), who focused on women's experiences. Martzoukou and Burnett (2018) also examined Syrian resettlement, in this case to Scotland. Allard (2021) and Allard and Caidi (2018) have examined the information practices of Filipino migrants to Canada, focusing on sources of information and the process undertaken during the settlement process.
Bronstein (2017, 2019) looked at the information grounds of domestic migrant workers in Israel, examining the issues caused by their information poverty and language barriers, as well as the consequences for social inclusion within Israeli society. Mason and Lamain (2007) studied immigrants to New Zealand, where major barriers were language and discrimination, and information shortfalls concerned employment and local customs. However, in general, immigrants felt they were acculturating and were content with their choice of nation. In another New Zealand investigation, Sligo and Jameson (2000) focused on immigrants' need for health information, finding that language barriers and cultural beliefs could lead to medical problems. A case study of a Hmong population in the United States (Allen et al., 2004) found similar issues with translations between languages and belief systems (e.g., words and concepts that do not translate, and differing beliefs about causes of, and treatments for, disease). Both print and digital information need to be thoughtfully customized for specific populations of immigrants (Palmer et al., 2009).
Even when an immigrant language community is quite large, as with Spanish speakers in the United States (Courtright, 2005), the resulting social networks are not always adequate for providing reliable and accurate health information alone. Specialized formal channels (such as pamphlets and websites in the target language) remain important, although at the time of the Courtright study Mexican immigrants appeared to ignore the internet as a source of health information. An innovative experiment by Le Louvier and Innocenti (2021) used an information mapping board game to explore how refugees thought, felt, pictured, and strategized their information practices.
Fisher, Durrance et al. (2004) observed the use of American public library literacy programs by immigrants, while Fisher, Marcoux et al. (2004) interviewed 51 migrant Hispanic farm workers using two community technology centers in the United States. In the latter study respondents cited a wide variety of useful information found at the centers: employment, language, education, legal, and technology assistance. These immigrants still relied heavily on interpersonal sources they deemed credible, often finding these through work, school, or church. In both investigations the public programs and facilities were found to be helpful to the immigrant populations they served. Yeon and Lee (2021) considered similar issues among North Korean immigrants to South Korea, as they sought and experienced employment under a different economic system, pointing out the ways that public libraries could help in their adjustment.
Ruokolainen and Widén (2020) studied asylum seekers in Finland, most of whom were from the Middle East. They explain how misinformation can hamper resettlement, and how flawed information can take various forms (e.g., inaccurate, mistranslated, outdated, false hope, rumor) and involve many different topics (e.g., legal requirements, access to social benefits, health issues).
A cross-nation comparison of Canada and Australia by Caidi et al. (2020) of older Chinese migrants points out the special challenges that senior immigrants face, and the coping skills they develop. Another Australian study of Asian refugees is that of Khoir et al. (2015), which offers a model based on the pattern of information sources and strategies they documented. Also examining patterns of seeking is a clever study by Zimmerman (2018), who used information horizons mapping to represent the network of health information resources identified by immigrant women; the author suggests the results are predictive of health literacy.
Most studies of immigrants gravitate toward the more extreme cases, in which language and cultural barriers are quite high, due to refugee status and/or movement from a less-developed nation. One study that deals with immigrants moving between nations with strong ties and somewhat comparable standards of living is that of Shoham and Strauss (2007). They studied immigrants from Canada and the United States to Israel, finding that internet resources provided a great deal of the information needed until actual arrival, at which point interpersonal networks became much more important. In a study of skilled (healthcare) immigrants, Caidi et al. (2014) found a different set of problems facing foreign-trained health professionals who one would think would be readily integrated into the healthcare systems of Canada and the United States. Their content analysis of online forums show that nurses, doctors and others struggle to learn about immigration and certification requirements, as well as differing terminology and work practices.
As many other studies and commentaries point out (e.g., Audunson et al., 2011; Burke, 2008; Martzoukou & Burnett, 2018; Oduntan & Ruthven, 2019; Pilerot, 2018; Skøtt, 2019; Yeon & Lee, 2021) there is ample opportunity for libraries to play an important role in the lives of immigrants. Interventions can be as ambitious as multichannel outreach efforts partnered with other agencies (e.g., Allen et al., 2004), or as simple as providing appropriate reading material and advisory services (e.g., Dali, 2004, 2012, 2014). Yet, as virtually every investigation above indicates, print and digital documents will likely serve only as a supplement to the interpersonal sources central to immigrant communities.
3.3 Conclusion
This chapter began with the thesis that information behavior research has morphed over the decades by gradually shifting away from a focus on individuals, occupations, and sources, towards the incorporation of roles and social contexts. At the same time investigations have broadened their scope, considering the whole person, including their emotions, physical bodies, and senses. In this way information behavior research has grown more holistic and complex. Examples of this shift are found in the increased emphasis on how information is created, shared, and used.
We offered examples of recent research (especially over the last 20 years), under various categories. The area of health, for example, has grown steadily across many studies, including recent investigations of the COVID-19 pandemic. Education and learning is also a vast topic, sitting across many disciplines and with broad boundaries. We also considered leisure-related activities, such as hobbies, travel, and sports, which were hardly mentioned in information behavior studies over three decades ago. Political engagement (such as discussing and voting on community issues and candidates), consumption (seeking, browsing, and buying objects or experiences), and immigration (including being a newcomer to a community) rounded out our examples of context-driven situations.
In addition to these areas, we can also see potential for growth in new areas, such as studies related to the impacts of climate change. This one topic, for example, affects urban planning, migration, food security, border protection, and other issues, all with significant information behavior implications. We discuss potential information behavior research futures in more detail, in Chapter 6.
3.4 舁Our Top 3 Must Read Recommendations
Johnson, J. D. (2003). On contexts of information seeking. Information Processing & Management, 39, 735–760.
A painstaking analysis of what is meant by the term “context” and how the term has been used by various researchers.
Grad, R., Pluye, P., Granikov, V., Johnson-Lafleur, J., Shulha, M., Sridhar, S. B., Moscovici, J. L., Bartlett, G., Vandal, A. C., Marlow, B., & Kloda, L. (2011). Physicians' assessment of the value of clinical information: Operationalization of a theoretical model. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 62(10), 1884–1891.
An innovative study of the seeking and use of information for patient treatment by physicians and other medical staff, which sheds light on the fundamental question – does information make a difference?
Case, D. O., & O'Connor, L. G. (2016). What's the use? Measuring the frequency of studies of information outcomes. Journal of the Association for Information Science and Technology, 67(3), 649–661.
An essay on the neglect of “use” within information behavior research, coupled with an attempt to measure how commonly this has been done, between 1950 and 2012.
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- Prelims
- Chapter 1 Information Behavior: An Introduction
- Chapter 2 The Evolution of Information Behavior Research
- Chapter 3 The Complex Nature of Information Behavior
- Chapter 4 Metatheories, Theories, and Models
- Chapter 5 Research Design, Methodologies, and Methods
- Chapter 6 Reviewing, Critiquing, Concluding, and Futuring
- References
- Author Index
- Subject Index