“The fact is, that Turks can’t live without coffee…” the introduction of Nescafé into Turkey (1952-1987)

Yavuz Köse (Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria)

Journal of Historical Research in Marketing

ISSN: 1755-750X

Article publication date: 16 July 2019

Issue publication date: 22 August 2019

Abstract

Purpose

This paper aims to investigate the introduction of Nescafé, a brand of the Swiss multinational company Nestlé, into the Turkish market and examines the formative period (1952-1987) before it succeeded to become the most popular and leading coffee brand in Turkey. By that it aims to draw attention to Turkey as an interesting case in point for the study of the history of marketing practices in a non-Western context.

Design/methodology/approach

This study deploys a variety of largely unexplored material ranging from archival sources to newspaper reports and advertisements. In the first part, archival sources provided by the Nestlé archives (AHN) will be analyzed to present the company’s marketing strategy. As the amount on advertisements between 1952 and 1984 remained modest, the second part is devoted to the analysis of Turkish media reports to discuss Nescafé’s public perception.

Findings

The paper demonstrates that during the period under consideration the instable political and economic environment was pivotal for Nescafé’s marketing. Nestlé in the early years used similar strategies as in the West advertising Nescafé as a premium product for the upper middle-class. Due to import restrictions, it was a scarce and high-priced product. Nescafé succeeded to become a highly esteemed and sought-after product because it stood for Western modernity and prosperity. The study argues that it was not primarily Nestlé’s marketing that resulted in Nescafé’s considerable brand recognition but its public “visibility” through media reporting.

Research limitations/implications

This study is a preliminary attempt to investigate the history of instant coffee and its marketing in a non-Western market. The paper is mainly focused on Nescafé because it was and still is the most important brand in Turkey. Further, this paper brings into spotlight a country with distinct sociopolitical and cultural particularities which distinguish it from Western countries and allow to scrutinize how marketing practice and thought may develop in a non-Western setting. Further research is needed as Turkey's specific marketing environment is far from being thoroughly investigated.

Originality/value

By focusing on Turkey, this paper provides an insight into the specific ways Nescafé was marketed, consumed and perceived in a non-Western market. By that it allows to consider how multinational companies responded and adapted to a culturally, politically and economically challenging environment.

Keywords

Citation

Köse, Y. (2019), "“The fact is, that Turks can’t live without coffee…” the introduction of Nescafé into Turkey (1952-1987)", Journal of Historical Research in Marketing, Vol. 11 No. 3, pp. 295-316. https://doi.org/10.1108/JHRM-03-2018-0012

Publisher

:

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2019, Emerald Publishing Limited


Introduction

Nescafé, a brand of instant coffee developed by the Swiss multinational Nestlé company in 1938, made its debut in Turkey in 1952. Nescafé remained a scarce product in Turkey through most of the second half of the twentieth century, while it reached ever-wider segments of societies in the Western world but also in Japan in the same period (Fenner, 2015). The fact that Turkey was not one of the main markets for Nescafé has so far discouraged researchers to study the brand’s history in the country. The Swiss historian Thomas Fenner has recently conducted a study on the global history of Nescafé, presenting, for the first time, a comprehensive overview of the brand’s global expansion; yet, he mentioned Turkey only in passing by referring to the period after 1990 (Fenner, 2015, pp. 336-337). In fact, the historical adventure of the Nescafé brand in Turkey is worth studying, as it provides valuable insights into how a globally distributed brand attempted to penetrate in the peripheral Turkish market.

This paper attempts to unearth the history of Nescafé in Turkey between 1952 and 1987, the years it was on everyone’s lips, yet consumed only by a few. To portray the brand in its “formative period” in Turkey, it uses the material from the corporate archives of Nestlé as well as Turkish newspaper reports of that period.

This study aims to draw attention to Turkey as an interesting case in point for the study of the history and development of marketing practices in a non-Western context. Further, by presenting the history of Nescafé’s trajectory in Turkey, it hopes to show that it is worthwhile, to look at marketing environments that on the one hand are different from Western contexts but on the other hand also share some common characteristics. It is Turkey’s specific “in between”-setting that shall enable interesting perspectives to the historical study of marketing.

What’s so special about Turkey?

Looking at Nestlé’s enterprises, Turkey is a particularly interesting case. The Nestlé company commenced its operations in Istanbul already in Ottoman times in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The company increased its interest in the Turkish market in the Republican period by opening a production facility for chocolate in 1927. Eduard Müller was a key figure in Nestlé’s decision to enter and engage with the Ottoman and later the Turkish market. Between 1912 and 1916, he headed the Istanbul branch of the company (Köse, 2010). It is the same Eduard Müller, who between 1935 and 1948 was CEO of Nestlé, and thereby was responsible for launching Nescafé (Fenner, 2015).

Even though the Nestlé company could look back on longstanding business experiences with Turkey, Nescafé entered the Turkish market only in 1952, a period when the government was involved in fostering tea cultivation in the country (Hann, 1990). By doing so, the government not only aimed at establishing tea as a cheap mass consumer good but also as a national drink that – unlike Turkish coffee – was not connected to the Ottoman past, a past from which the Republic tried to dissociate itself. Nestlé witnessed the dramatic transition of the late Ottoman Empire into a nation-state in 1923 and managed to adapt itself to the newly emerging political, social, and economic circumstances in Turkey.

Sources and method

This study explores the formative years of Nescafé in Turkey by using a variety of largely unexplored material ranging from archival documents to newspaper reports and advertisements. The main archival sources for this study are the records from the Archive Historiques Nestlés (AHN) in Vevey, Switzerland, where the company’s headquarters is located. Besides reports from the Istanbul branch and minutes, the AHN provides promotional material that was produced for the Turkish market. The reports and minutes reveal sales data but are also indicative concerning the companies’ strategy and difficulties to market Nescafé in Turkey. The promotional material contains advertisements, brochures and a few pictures that show some marketing activities of the Istanbul branch. Besides the archival material, this study deploys Turkish newspaper articles which feature topics connected to Nescafé. Examining both, archival material and local reports, shall help to get a more multifaceted picture of the early years of Nescafé in Turkey. This will allow to follow the first marketing activities, the obstacles the company had to deal with but also to demonstrate the entangled contexts in which Nescafé was perceived and discussed. As the amount of advertisements between 1952 and 1984 remained low, it can be argued that Nescafé’s considerable brand recognition was partly due its public “visibility” through media reporting.

This paper argues that Nescafé succeeded to become a highly esteemed and sought-after product, precisely because it was scarce and expensive. Nescafé was apparently antithetical to traditional Turkish coffee; it stood for modernity and Western style of living. By that it ideally embodied the kind of modernity Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Turkish Republic, had in mind (Hanioğlu, 2011). In the years between 1960 and 1980, when Turkey was going through continuous social and economic crisis, Nescafé featured time and again not only in high society reports but also in the news about the bourgeoning tourism sector and the economic situation of the country. As a luxury consumer good, it symbolized the promise of prosperity, but it also served as a sort of currency for the economic ups and downs. In the formative period, Nestlé’s marketing strategy aimed at local distributers; it was only after 1984 that Nescafé was advertised extensively in the local press. Consequently, this paper puts forth other factors such as media reporting and Nescafé imports for and by foreign tourists (and later migrant workers) contributed to the brand awareness of Nescafé. Further, the example of Nescafé in Turkey demonstrates that the envisioned and much desired Western modernity was always contested in the recent history of the country.

This study will first give a short overview on the social and economic development of Turkey between the 1950s and the 1970s. Following this, it will look at the general conditions of the market environment for foreign companies, followed by a chapter on Nescafé’s market entry in Turkey, the marketing strategies Nestlé used and its attempts to cope with the difficult market realities. Then, Nescafé’s public perception will be discussed. In the final section, the contemporary situation concerning the consumption of Turkish coffee and Nescafé will be briefly addressed. This is followed by a discussion.

Turkey’s quest for development

Turkey, in its efforts to modernize and secularize, confronted major socio-political crises from the 1950s on, ultimately culminating in military coups in May 1960, March 1971, and September 1980 (Zürcher, 2017). Further, despite short phases of economic recovery the country had difficulties to establish a stable economic environment (Kazgan, 2005). In these years, Turkey followed an import substitution policy that fostered the establishment of a local industry. The regime’s monopoly on certain consumer goods (such as beer, tea, coffee, tobacco or matches) and restricted import policy hampered foreign companies’ access to the Turkish market (Owen and Pamuk, 1999).

When in 1952 Nestlé decided to distribute its brand Nescafé in Turkey, it had already been active there since 1875. During the late Ottoman period in addition to its infant cereal “Farine Lactée” (powdered milk), the company advertised and sold condensed milk and chocolate. In 1927, four years after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, the company opened its first chocolate factory in Istanbul. In 1930, it started to produce there its first Turkish brand called “Dolca” (Köse, 2008, 2010). The single-party regime under the leadership of Atatürk’s Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) vigorously promoted patriotic purchasing. The government called upon Turkish consumers via the press and through exhibition of the indigenous products at local fairs (yerli malı sanayi sergileri) to consume Turkish goods. Nestlé also exhibited its goods at the same local fairs next to those of Turkish companies, presenting on its stand also the slogan of the time: “Consume Local Goods!”. Within a few years Nestlé had managed to “Turkify” and adapt itself to the new political realities (Köse, 2008; Özen, 2012).

The young Turkish Republic on its way to industrialization was hidden by the global economic crisis following the year 1929. And, even though the country had decided to remain neutral during the Second World War, it was also severely affected by the economic and political dislocation the war had brought. Turkey joined the Western Bloc in the aftermath of the Second World War and applied for NATO membership, being admitted as a member in 1952. During the Cold War, Turkey was a region of primary geostrategic interest for the Western alliance. Thanks to this interest, it became one of the beneficiaries of the Truman Doctrine followed by the Marshall Plan, which offered large amounts of economic assistance (Keskin-Kozat, 2011). Trade and business relations in those years were influenced by political and strategic military considerations. In general, the primacy of politics in the post war period rather than economic considerations shaped Turkey’s relations with countries like the USA or West Germany (Kleinschmidt, 2012; Çandar, 2000).

Turkey’s one-party era ended in 1946 with the introduction of a multiparty system. The newly founded Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti, DP) led by Adnan Menderes won the 1950 elections by propagating a liberal economic policy.

Yet, shortly after the DP won the 1954 elections, the economic situation worsened, and the ruling party re-enacted the National Protection Law (Millî Korunma Kanunu) in 1956 using this law to intervene into Turkish economy more effectively. According to Zülküf Aydın, the “so-called ‘free market policies’ of the 1950s” had a haphazard and ad hoc nature (Aydın, 2005, pp. 31-32). The “secondary importance” of economic development was to become a problem leading to a growing balance of payments deficit in Turkey, which was further deepened by lower attractiveness of Turkish exported goods. In addition, it increasingly resulted in restrictive trade and investment conditions for foreign companies for the subsequent period (Kleinschmidt, 2012).

The economic system’s main aim was to protect the domestic market and foster industrialization through import substitution. Şevket Pamuk describes the years between 1963 und 1977 as the Golden Age of “Import Substituting Industrialization” (ISI) (Owen and Pamuk, 1999, p. 104). A growing industrial sector and the production of durable goods, like radios, refrigerators, washing machines, televisions, cars and household items, marked those years. Foreign capital in the ISI industries remained modest. A large part of the technology was obtained through patent and licensing agreements rather than direct investment (Owen and Pamuk, 1999, pp. 111-112). The urban working classes and the well-to-do members of the agricultural sector were the target market (Başgüney, 2014, p. 129). One of the main problems of the ISI model was the growing balance of payments deficit for the industry and government policies’ focus on the domestic market, while the exports of manufactured goods were ignored. And this, according to Şevket Pamuk, “proved to be the Achilles’ heel of Turkish industry” (Owen and Pamuk, 1999, p. 113).

“Waiting for better days”: foreign companies enter the Turkish market

It is against this background that Nestlé decided to widen its activity in Turkey. At first, the decision to launch Nescafé in September 1952 appeared to be promising, as the then new government had announced a liberal economic policy. Just a few months ago in February, Turkey had become full member of NATO.

Yet, this encouraging timing did not meet the expectations of the company. As many other Western companies, Nestlé, too, repeatedly coped with the difficult economic, but more so with the political situation. In his examination of Unilever’s business activity in Turkey between 1950 and 1980, Geoffrey Jones draws a similar conclusion: “The major problem, which got worse over time, was the government” (Jones, 2013, p. 165). Following statement of a Nestlé manager he made after his visit of the Turkey branch in 1964 illustrates the problem: “In conclusion we can say that Turkey continues to remain the enfant terrible as we know it. Political instability is masked by the occult power of the army, which is the only real strength of the nation”[1] (AHN Dossier 8100-86, 1964).

After the first military coup in 1960, the army acted as the defender of Kemalist principles and held the real power in the state for the coming decades (Zürcher, 2017). Consequently, Nestlé sought ways to cooperate with the army to get their support in receiving import authorizations for production machinery and in finding local finance partners. For that, in 1968 Nestlé intended to provide the army with their locally produced chocolates and imported Nestea and Nescafé (AHN Dossier 8100-30, 1968).

A document in the Republican Archive of the Prime Ministry in Ankara (Cumhuriyet Başbakanlık Arşivi, CBA) confirms that Nestlé had managed to send the army caramel sweets, chocolate, as well as 567 packages of Nescafé (each 1.8 gram) and 600 Nestea packages. The document states that the import of these goods was to be exempt from customs duty. The fact, that for this relatively minor matter the 23-member committee of ministers including the ruling prime minister Süleyman Demirel and the president Cevdet Sunay had to sign the document attests eloquently the bureaucratic hurdles foreign companies had to overcome (CBA, 1968, 30-18-1-2/225).

Companies like Nestlé or Unilever were permanently confronted with state interventions and therefore seeking ways to circumvent them to minimize the high costs of such interferences (“nous l’avons pu constanter nous coûtent très cher”, AHN Dossier 8100-86, 1964). Business making in Turkey between 1950 and 1980s demanded from foreign companies to be tenacious. Besides establishing local business networks and management, they were forced to relentlessly build contacts with state elites and the government. And of course, the foreign companies had to promote and market their goods.

“Nestlé vous presenté…”: Nescafé enters the stage

Nestlé’s soluble coffee was first introduced in 1938 in Switzerland, Portugal and Yugoslavia. When Nescafé was launched in Turkey in 1952, it was already being sold in more than 70 countries. In 1958, countries like Argentina, Australia (Khamis, 2009), Canada, Chile, Germany, France, Great Britain, Mexico, Switzerland and the USA were among the biggest sales markets for Nescafé (Fenner, 2015, p. 209).

In its first year, Nestlé’s sales amounted to 35,956 Turkish Lira (TL)[2] for 64 tins of 500 g and 2,459 tins of 100 g. Even though, the numbers are very low, when compared to that of other countries, already the 1952 business report complains about import restrictions. In the case of Nescafé, the local director was less optimistic to get the pending approval if the situation would not improve (AHN Dossier 8103, 1953). With similar market access problems such as restrictive import quotas, Nestlé was also confronted elsewhere, for instance in Japan (Fenner, 2015, p. 201).

The sales for 1953 were about 29,000 TL and dropped in 1954 under less than 2,000 TL. A year later, it almost disappeared from the market due to low sales (147 TL). The report indicates that between 1955 and 1956 Turkey was hit by a sharp cost-of-living increase of more than 7 per cent. The average rise from 1952 to 1956 was much more dramatic (June 1952 = 100, December 1956 = 151) (AHN Rapport 1954 and 1955). Nescafé in those and the following years was relatively expensive and therefore considered a luxury product. This influenced the way Nestlé marketed its product in Turkey.

“If you are really in a hurry”: Nescafé’s marketing in Turkey

The first promotional material and advertisements for Nescafé were also published in 1952. These early examples were designed for international marketing, only the texts were translated into Turkish. Visually, they appeal clearly to an affluent consumer segment that is Western oriented. These advertisements’ main aim was to introduce this new product and explain its usage in daily, often leisure settings, by that positioning the product in a premium segment. Image and text were instructive, helping the consumer to see how easy and convenient the preparation of Nescafé was (Figures 1-4). Unlike in other countries such as Switzerland, where the print campaigns addressed also popular consumption, the Turkish settings had exclusively an upper middle-class character (Sy-Quia, 2013, pp. 94-97). Thus, Nescafé was offered (only) in “good shops” (“iyi mağazalarda”).

Different from Nestlé’s advertisements for other products like condensed milk, milk powder or chocolate bars, it seems that Nescafé advertisements were published only in selected prints. Some of the brochures and ads were bilingual, Turkish and French, therefore aiming at educated Turkish and/or foreign customers. Especially during the 1930s and 1950s, in addition to Turkish, Armenian and Greek, Nestlé used French for their brochures and advertisements. As early as the first decades of the nineteenth century, the state and the elites had strongly been oriented towards and come under cultural influence of France. Consequently, French had become the first foreign language and lingua franca, which Western-oriented Ottomans and Turks had to master. The cultural impact of France on the Turkish elite remained unchanged well into the 1950s (Işıksel and Szurek, 2014).

From the start, Nestlé has been actively promoting its products on fairs for local goods. Even though it was a Switzerland-based company, Nestlé was able to advertise the chocolates and candies produced in its Istanbul factory as local goods. To appeal to potential consumers other than with advertisements, Nescafé was also offered at promotional stands during special occasions such as conferences. For example, in April 1959, Nestlé had a tasting stand for its product range at the Third Conference of the Turkish Pediatrics in Ankara. Nestlé’s appearance at the conference was important because its visitors included some high-ranking government officials and bureaucrats such as the health minister Lütfi Kırdar and İhsan Doğramacı, the director of the Hacettepe Hospital in Ankara. It seems that Nestlé spared neither costs nor efforts to promote its product in this specific event. The expenses for a three-day promotion amounted to 18,950 TL, a sum many times higher than the company had generated from the sales of Nescafé for years. However, the high cost of marketing was counterbalanced in the eyes of company managers by the possible rewards it offered. For instance, the company used the image of Kırdar posing at the camera and holding a cup of Nescafé for marketing purposes in the following years (Figure 5). In other words, considering the pivotal importance of contacts with the government officials and political elites it was considered to be a reasonable investment for future business (AHN Dossier publicité Turquie, 1959).

In addition to these activities, since the late nineteenth century, Nestlé had been working with doctors, especially with pediatricians, sending them regularly circulars with product samples and asking them to confirm the quality of their products with testimonials which were later used as advertisements in the local media and medical journals (Köse, 2010, pp. 304-306, AHN Dossier Publicité Turquie, 1952).

Despite these efforts in 1959, Nestlé Turkey appears to have spent overall less money for advertisement expenses than elsewhere, but the company considered this as a problem for the future when the competition would grow. Three years later they concluded that sales were realized mainly through the sales organization, indicating that advertisements still played a minor role. But to hold that level in the future, it would be necessary to advertise the brand Nestlé more actively because otherwise “our brand won’t be sufficiently brought to the attention of the consumer” (AHN Dossier 8100-70, 1959, 1962).

The new fashion: Nescafé in public perception

Between 1952 and 1984, Nescafé clearly was not a bestseller. Only a relatively small segment of Turkish consumers could afford this expensive product. Consequently, its advertising was limited to a restricted number of medias, places and events. It was sold only in upscale shops that offered foreign goods. In 1971, Nestlé broadened its sales network in Istanbul by distributing their products via the Switzerland-based supermarket chain Migros that had entered Turkey already in 1954 (AHN Dossier 8100-30, 1971).

Nestlé also catered for hotels that were hosting foreign visitors and tourists like Istanbul Hilton, which opened in 1951, and for touristic resorts (Wharton, 2015). Beginning in the 1950s and especially in the 1960s Turkey tried to develop its tourism sector. Tourism, it was hoped, would bring currency and thereby offset the payment deficit, which was a continuous problem of the Turkish economy (Akoğlu, 1965, Çoruh, 1983; Yüzgün, 1983; Akçura, 2012).

Tourists brought in not only the desperately needed currency but also consumer goods. Between 1950 and 1960, international trade fairs in Turkey, the most famous one being in Izmir, regularly exhibited Western consumer goods to “Turkish audiences who were inexperienced, yet willing participants in a growing culture of consumption” as Emre Gönlügür notes (2015, p. 86). Especially for American consumer goods the demand was so high that by the late 1950s local shops opened to sell these imported goods. One of the reasons for the constantly rising popularity of imported goods like American cigarettes and alcohol among Turkish consumers must have been also the fact that the quality of the TEKEL – the Turkish tobacco and alcoholic beverages company – products was very low. Consumers complained about the inferior quality of Turkish cigarettes, matches and alcoholic beverages. By 1967, the sale of American cigarettes was customary (Hürriyet, 1967, 8.08). In an article in the daily Hürriyet from 1956, the author criticizes that local traders started to label local products of low quality as American to profit from the increasing demand. According to the report, American tourists themselves started to bring along increasing numbers of consumer goods from the USA; the trade seems to have reached “epidemic” dimensions (Hürriyet, 1956, 14.01). The problems with imported filter cigarettes and existing black markets have been continuously debated in the Turkish press (Cumhuriyet, 1974, 1.03).

Topics concerning tourists, their leisure practices and Western consumer goods soon became publicly known via an increasing coverage in the Turkish press. Reports about high society events taking place in touristic resorts or hotels like the Hilton were regularly on the pages of Turkish dailies. Even the appearance of Nescafé was worth a headline. In December 1957, the daily Akşam in its rubric “Gossip is a very sweet thing” published a short article entitled “New fashion”: “Nowadays there is a Nescafé fashion. A married woman receives her actor friend after the staging, or rather at midnight. Together they drink Nescafé and gossip about the theater” (Akşam, 1957, p. 2, 20.12). The setting is clearly bourgeois which conforms to the potential consumer group. The fact that a married woman welcomes a man in the middle of the night – even if we assume that her husband was present – seems to be the actual message, indicating that social norms started to change based upon Western standards (Işın, 2013; Baydar and Özkan, 1999).

As mentioned above current themes around tourism were popular in the local media. Often, the lacking standards concerning hospitality and convenience in touristic places were reported. Again, in the daily Akşam, Esin Talu gave several examples of bad behavior in touristic resorts. In one incident, a group of Talu’s friends together with foreign guests entered a hotel and ordered “alafranga kahve,” that is Western coffee. She also noted: “For instance I also like ‘Nescafé’ very much if it is available. Yet, our (hotel) director hates it and doesn’t want it to be liked, so he let the waiter know: ‘We are in Turkey. If they drink Turkish coffee, they should get one.’” (Talu, 1961, p. 4). Bodrum, one of the most prominent touristic places in the present-day Turkey, was on the eve of becoming a touristic hot spot for foreign tourists in the 1960s. But as Hasan Yılmaer in an article in the daily Milliyet made clear, the statements by state officials that tourism would save Turkey would not correspond with the local realities, which were too often far from being ideal. The author added: “You do not need to be a prophet to predict that offering the tourists a double Turkish coffee with a lot of water instead of Neskafe [sic] will not go beyond good intentions” (Yılmaer, 1966, p. 5).

It seems that even for hippies, Turkish coffee was not always their first choice. In the 1960s, Istanbul was the first stop along the so-called “hippie trail” to Kathmandu. In the historic center, near the Sultan Ahmed Mosque and the Hagia Sophia, a small patisserie called Lâle Pastanesi became by then the first meeting point of the hippies who renamed it the “Pudding Shop.” The place provided a basic touristic infrastructure and offered a noticeboard for the travelers, helping them to exchange all sorts of information considering their stay in Turkey and the travel routes to the East. One of the owners Adem Çolpan conceded that they were thankful to the hippies “because they taught us how to make Nescafé,” and added “the hippies didn’t want to drink Turkish coffee” (MacLean, 2007, p. 23).

Interestingly, Nescafé is also mentioned in texts about political topics. For example, the journalist Hulûsi Turgut in an article about his visit to Kurdistan (north of Iraq) in 1968 wrote his astonishment of finding out that the Peshmerga (Kurdish military forces) offered him Nescafé in their retreat (Turgut, 1968, p. 5). Another newspaper report from 1975 addresses the visit of the US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to Ankara and his stay at Ankara Hotel. The author together with the hotel staff is dazed to see that the visitors even brought along their own beverages including Nescafé (meaning certainly Maxwell House) to the hotel (Öymen, 1975, p. 6).

However, in the 1970s, the worsening economic situation figured most prominently in newspaper articles, which often referred to Nescafé, too. Information on prices of imported consumer goods can be found in these articles (Milliyet, 1972, p. 9, 23.02). For example, in an article about black markets for filter cigarettes, the author regarded the 12 March 1971 military coup responsible for Nescafé getting into the Turkish market: “12 March opened the doors for Nescafé. Does this country have no other worries?” (Cumhuriyet, 1974, p. 5, 1.03). It is unclear if there was an increase in Nescafé sales as there is no archival evidence and, according to the general situation, it is unlikely that the imported quotas were high. Furthermore, Nestlé’s archival material confirms that the company had hard times during the 1970s. Their relationship to the Turkish officials was often fragile, and, as the reports imply, the local production capacity reached its limits due to problems with importing the necessary production facilities (AHN Dossiers 8100-80, 8100-30). Moreover, the company was confronted with an ever-active competition in the chocolate sector. Nevertheless, a Nestlé manager after his return from Turkey in 1977 stated: “The quality of locally produced products is certainly not comparable to that of other European countries, but I think that, given the country's situation, it is quite acceptable and in any case, it is much better than that of our competitors” (AHN Dossier 8100-80, 1977, 16.02).

In the 1970s, the most urgent problem regarding imported consumer goods such as coffee was their scarcity and the presence of black markets for such goods (Arpad, 1979, p. 2). In these years, tourists kept bringing Western consumer goods to Turkey. But more and more frequently Turkish labor migrants (Gastarbeiter) from Germany and other western European countries took, along with other consumer goods, Nescafé with them when they visited their homeland in summer vacations. Again, in the early 1970s, we see the greatest local glass manufacturer (Şişecam) advertising coffee sets for Nescafé (Milliyet, 1973, p. 3, 8.01). Nonetheless, due to increasing living costs, Nescafé remained affordable only to a small segment of the Turkish population, and for tourists. Shortly after the 1971 military coup, living costs increased by 19 per cent, in April 1972 by 15.6 per cent. Even though a year later they fell to 12.2 per cent, it again increased by 15.7 per cent at the end of 1973 (Özgüner, 1974, p. 6). The economic report prepared by the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen’s Association (TÜSİAD) in 1976 demonstrates that despite a growth rate ranging between 7 and 9 per cent; the country between 1970 and 1976 experienced serious economic and social problems, “including a rapidly expanding population, high unemployment, galloping inflation and chronic foreign trade deficit” (TÜSİAD, 1976, p. 7). According to Yalman Özgüner, within the globally worsening economic situation, Turkey took the lead in terms of inflation rate (Özgüner, 1974, p. 6).

In those crisis-ridden years, Nestlé came under criticism for its controversial marketing for infant food in developing countries (Schwarz, 2000). Multinationals like Nestlé were also criticized for giving support to authoritarian regimes like the one in Uganda by purchasing their commodities (coffee beans). Civil society groups called for a boycott of Nestlé products, especially in countries like Great Britain and the USA, and the call for boycotts aimed at Nescafé (Fenner, 2015, pp. 281-284). In Turkey, where call for boycotts in the 1970s targeted mainly US companies, Nescafé was not condemned like for instance Coca-Cola, yet, doubtlessly it was a well-known product.

Following the period of the September 12, 1980 coup d’état, the Turkish state, to attract foreign exchange, allowed the duty-free import of consumer goods for private individuals. In 1982, 1 kg of Nescafé was added to the list (Milliyet, 1982, p. 14, 22.05). A year later, the state monopoly TEKEL decided to import 1 million bottles of whisky and with them 2,500 cans of Nescafé (100 g for 1,300 TL (5 $), 200 g for 2,600 TL (10 $), 2 g for 25 TL and 6,500 bottles of Maxwell House (100 g 1,000 TL, 200 g for 2,000 TL, 750 g for 7,500 TL)[3]. However, these products were only intended for sale in the country’s touristic resorts. Solely the quantities that could not be sold would be distributed to local dealers the article informs the reader (Milliyet, 1983, p. 3, 31.08).

After the coup d’état, the military controlled the government for a three-year period and banned political parties. In 1983, the military decided to delegate power back to civil politicians and allowed parties that adopted policies it favored run in the elections set for November 1983. The Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi, ANAP) led by Turgut Özal won the elections. The new Prime Minister Özal opted for a liberal economic policy and implemented several economic reforms and deregulations, which opened the Turkish market to foreign companies (Zürcher, 2017, pp. 281-318).

Consequently, convinced by the improved import conditions, Nestlé decided to supply the Turkish market again with Nescafé, which thus far was its globally most successful product (Fenner, 2015, p. 417). In March 1984, Nestlé Turkey in the daily Milliyet announced that it from now on would import Nescafé (Milliyet, 1984b, p. 4, 16.03). Accordingly, Nescafé was offered in the following product range: Nescafé Gold 100 g (2,450 TL) (6.90 $), Nescafé Gold 200 g (4,600 TL) (13 $), Classic Nescafé 100 g (2,375 TL), and 200 g (4,450 TL) respectively. One month earlier, the Turkish businessman İrfan Cudal, who had already been importing Maxwell House, a brand of General Foods and the biggest rival of Nestlé, expressed that he would import everything that pleases the Turkish women. By “Turkish women” he probably referred to upper middle-class housewives whose husbands often made business travels abroad. Cudal and his company intended to import Nescafé that would be introduced firstly by the Nestlé company. Despite the open market policy, Nescafé and other foreign soluble coffees were still very expensive mainly because of the high tariffs. According to Cudal 1 kg import coffee was about 19,000 TL ($53.50) including 3,500 TL foreign exchange fees, 10,000 TL duty-fees, housing fund, and taxes. The remaining 5,500 TL were relocated among the importer (40 per cent), distributor and wholesaler (Türenç, 1984a, p. 4, Milliyet, 1984a, p. 1, 6, 02.).

As late as 1987, Nestlé was complaining about very high customs clearance fees, but the company had to deal also with an increase in “smuggled” rival soluble coffee from Great Britain and Germany that was offered for sales prices from 22 to 44 per cent below Nestlé’s (AHN Dossier 8100-57, 28.11.1987). More or less simultaneously with Nescafé other brands like Maxwell House, Elite, Cafe Pele, or Mocca Gold entered the market and were often cheaper (Türenç, 1984a, 4; Milliyet, 1984c, p. 4, 14.12). All the same, these products were still only affordable only for the affluent consumer. The dailies like Milliyet or Cumhuriyet on a regularly basis discussed the huge price differences between local and imported goods, Nescafé being always at the center. To illustrate the gap a basket of goods – among them coffee – is compared in one article from April 1984. According to that report, 200 g of local coffee cost 520 TL ($1.44), whereas the same amount of Nescafé with the price standing at 4,250 lira ($11.80) is eight times more expensive (Bengin, 1984, p. 7). One month earlier, in the daily Cumhuriyet Serpil Gündüz stated that not everyone is destined to discover imported goods such as instant coffee which were sold with a kilo price ranging between 16,500 TL (Elite) up to 24.000 TL for Nescafé (Gündüz, 1984, pp. 1-14). Considering that the minimum monthly wage for state employees was around 25,000 TL in March 1984 her evaluation is hardly surprising (Milliyet, 1984d, p. 7, 30.03).

Prime Minister Turgut Özal made clear that his opening of the Turkish market was necessary. By responding to critics warning against the import of luxury goods he said that the tourism boom the country was experiencing was partly due to the import of these products which were mainly intended for tourists. He then asked: “Why a tourist who is used to consume Whisky and Nescafé should come to visit Turkey, if he cannot find such products there?” (Barış, 1985, p. 5, 17.08).

Finally: Nescafé, against all odds

Nestlé was one of the companies that targeted not only the tourists but above all the local consumers. From 1984 on the urban stores offered an ever-increasing number of imported goods, the journals and newspapers advertised them with whole-page ads, although the Turkish consumer could rarely afford these goods[4]. The consumers were confronted with annual inflation rates ranging between 30 and more than 40 per cent (inflation.eu, Turkey). By showing Nescafé as a typical example columnists often denounced the widely varying prices of consumer goods as “price anarchy” and by that articulated their discomfort with the excesses of the “free market” (Milliyet, 1987, p. 9, 21.11; Çetiner, 1987, p. 7). Nescafé was already so famous that it was not only used in common parlance designating soluble coffee (“halk dilinde ‘neskafe’ olarak isimlendirilen kahve hûlasası”) as one report underlined (Milliyet, 1984a, p. 10, 2.02). Newspaper reports similarly labeled different instant coffee brands like Elite and Maxwell as “nescafe” (“elite marka nescafe” or “naxwel [sic] marka nescafe”, Barış, 1984, 2, 27.02). This was the reason why Nestlé felt the need to insert an advertisement that stated, “The real ‘Nescafé’ has arrived” but also to send warning letters to the Turkish newspapers informing them that Nescafé was a registered trademark only to be used by Nestlé (Milliyet, 1984c, p. 4, 17.03. and Milliyet, 1984b, p. 4, 16.03). According to Serpil Sabaz, shop lifting in supermarkets and stores offering imported goods in Istanbul became so widespread that it caused a monthly damage of 1.5 million TL. Needless to say, that Nescafé was at the very top of the thieves’ wish list (Sabaz, 1987, p. 8).

In December 1984, the soluble coffee had a market share of only 15 per cent of the whole coffee sales. But unlike the title of the reporting article implied the Turkish consumer was anything but fed up with “instant coffee,” this ratio was soon to be reversed (Dinç, 1984, p. 4). Even though in 1990 imported goods were still subject to high custom duties and Nescafé was considered a luxury good, the estimated consumption was between 200 and 450 tons a year (Nestlé Gazette, 1990, p. 123). Compared with the amount of approximately 50 tons that was calculated in 1986, this was a remarkable increase (AHN Dossier 8100-30, 1986, 12.4; Nestlé Gazette, 1990, p. 123). Yet, Nestlé was convinced that in Turkey the potential market for Nescafé offered a far more promising future. The company was proved to be right. After all, Turkey was well-known for its longstanding coffee culture.

The post-Kemalist period: Turkish coffee and Nescafé after 2000

In an article from 2008, Kemalettin Kuzucu claimed that “less than a century ago, Turkey was the number one country in the world in terms of the consumption of coffee and the number of coffee shops,” without giving evidence supporting his thesis (Kuzucu, 2008, p. 243). An abundance of Ottoman and Western sources ranging from travelogues to poetry dating back to the seventeenth century seem to support his view, as they all confirm that “Turks”[5] were coffee drinkers par excellence (Desmet-Grégoire and Georgeon, 1997; Sajdi, 2007; Menninger, 2008; Karababa and Ger, 2011; Ayvazoğlu, 2011; Morris, 2013; Kırlı, 2016). One traveler even said “The fact is, that Turks can‘t live without coffee-houses” (Mac Farlane, 1829, p. 35, Vol. 2).

Yet, the existing data from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries do not support this assertion. Even if in some urban centers like Istanbul or Izmir the per capita consumption of coffee could be relatively high at the end of the nineteenth century (more than 3 kg per capita in Istanbul around 1900, Grunzel, 1903, p. 158), this was not the case for the rest of the empire where the annual average per capita consumption was approximately between 700 and 800 g[6]. This figure is significantly less than per capita consumption in countries like the USA (5 kg), Germany (3 kg), Switzerland (3 kg), Denmark (3 kg), France (2 kg) or the leading Belgium (7 kg) in the same period.

Ironically, although still today “Turkey is more known for its coffee than tea” Turkish citizens clearly drink more tea than coffee (Ger and Kravets, 2009, 190). In 2016, average per capita consumption of tea amounted to more than 3 kg, which makes Turkey to one of the major tea-consuming countries together with Ireland, UK or Russia[7]. In contrast, with 400 g per capita consumption of coffee Turkey clearly ranks far behind the world’s biggest coffee drinking nations with a per capita consumption ranging from 6 up to 12 kg (ICC 109-8, 2012).

Nevertheless, Turkish coffee for some years now has been enjoying a revival which most probably is another facet of the “renaissance” of the Ottoman imperial past that the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) has fostered since it came to power in 2002. This nostalgia for the Ottoman past[8] – often described with the term “neo-Ottomanism” (Taglia, 2016; Ovunc Ongur, 2015) – has become possible due to the massive socio-political transformations the AKP has promoted for the past 15 years (Joppien, 2017). It has brought about popular forms of engagement with the pre-Republican heritage in Turkey. Among them, we find institutionalized commemorations, neo-Ottoman architectural projects, infotainment documentaries, as well as movies and television series that deal with the “magnificent” Ottoman past (Ergin and Karakaya, 2017).

Consequently, in 2013 at the instigation of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, “Turkish coffee culture and tradition” was inscribed into the UNESCO list of “the Cultural Heritage of Humanity”[9]. The Turkish Coffee Culture and Research Association (Türk Kahvesi Kültür ve Araştırmaları Derneği, TKKAD) which was established in 2008 was also involved in this process. TKKAD emphasizes on its web site that it was founded “to preserve this cultural treasure of ours and to convey to future generations the social importance of coffee to the Turkish identity” (in Turkish it reads “as a social need for ‘being a Turk’ – “‘Türk olmanın’ bir sosyal gereği olarak”)[10]. The stressing of the “Turkishness” of the coffee culture is no accident as the application text of the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism delivered in 2013 is also defining the coffee culture exclusively as “Turkish”[11] and by that fails to mention the fact that it was shared by all Ottomans, that is Muslims of all ethnic backgrounds just as Ottoman Armenians, Greeks and Jews (Hattox, 1985; Morris, 2013).

Notwithstanding the current nostalgia for Ottoman cultural elements, it is not coffee a la turca but Nescafé that is most widely consumed in Turkey[12]. The International Coffee Organization (ICC) reported that the share of soluble coffee consumed in Turkey increased from 67.5 per cent in 1997 to 91.8 per cent in 2011 (ICC 109-8, 2012, Table VI-6). Not only the brand Nescafé with a share of more than 70 per cent dominates, the soluble coffee market in Turkey, it also became a generic name for the product group (Karadeniz, 2015).

Discussion

Looking at the sales Nescafé’s formative years clearly must be seen as an unsuccessful period. Nestlé was constantly seeking ways to channel the problems it was confronted due to the instable political and economic conditions in Turkey. Its longstanding presence in the country and broad network among the political elite helped to pursue marketing strategies for Nescafé that addressed the upper-class society. These were similar to those Nestlé were using for Western countries. Further, the company could build on local distributers, but due to the governments import substitution policy during the 1960s and 1970s, it had also constantly to cope with import restrictions. Certainly, the developing tourism sector beginning in the 1960s helped to access a growing customer pool that visited Turkey. Yet, the number of local consumers still remained low. For the latter, Nescafé was hardly accessible let alone affordable. Even though Nescafé was a hard to find product its strong media presence resulted in high brand recognition among the Turkish society. Nestlé’s marketing displayed Nescafé as a desirable product that symbolized modernity, luxury and Western style of living. Yet, it seems that more than Nestlé’s own advertisements, it was above all the media coverage on topics like society events, tourism and economic issues in which Nescafé often played a prominent role that increased its public awareness. Not only tourists but also an increasing number of Turkish migrant workers especially during the 1970s brought Western products to Turkey, among them also Nescafé. In those years due to the low quality of locally produced consumer items imported Western goods like cigarettes or alcoholic beverages were generally highly esteemed. The economic liberalization following the years of the military coup of 1980 opened the Turkish market and enabled growing imports of Western goods which due to high custom duties still remained very expensive. It is only after 1984 that Nestlé started with substantial advertising for Nescafé in the local press. At that time, Nescafé had already become notoriously famous.

Conclusion

It is only recently that the history of marketing practice in the Ottoman Empire and its successor state Republic of Turkey has attracted attention. Yet, Turkey has remained rather underresearched when compared to Western countries such as Australia, Canada and Italy, where special issues dedicated to the development of marketing practices and thought exist. Given the long existence of the Ottoman Empire and considering its important political, cultural and economic role it had played throughout the early modern period makes it an interesting subject of study for marketing historians (Köse, 2008; Karababa, 2015; Genc and Igneci, 2018). Further, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the Ottoman Empire/Turkey was a testing ground for foreign companies to develop marketing strategies by adjusting to the ever-changing political, social and cultural circumstances. For instance, the multiethnic, multireligious and multilingual environment that companies encountered necessitated them to become more flexible and innovative. Eventually, they developed marketing strategies that would take into account the divers customer pool and their cultural peculiarities. This very specific marketing environment is far from being thoroughly investigated (Köse, 2010). The same holds true for the aftermath of the Ottoman Empire, a period when a new nation state was established. Companies, locals as well as foreign, were forced to adapt to the new situation and deal among others with the massive demographic changes that were the result of war, displacement and genocide (Üngör, 2011). As a result quite a number of foreign companies lost their mostly non-Muslim employees and customers literally overnight (Köse, 2010). The Nestlé company was one of the few enterprises that survived in the young Republic, and this was due to its ability to make use of the long experience in the field of marketing practice in the region. It is within this context that the study of Nescafé’s marketing in Turkey is relevant for the historical study of marketing. In this paper, I have made an attempt to bring into spotlight a country with distinct sociopolitical and cultural particularities which distinguish it from Western countries and allow to scrutinize how marketing practice and thought may develop in a non-Western setting. I have also showed that the development of Nescafé’s marketing between the 1950s and 1980s Turkey shared many similarities with Western countries which it emulated. Finally, the paper illustrated that, besides apparent similarities, Nescafé’s trajectory in Turkey indicates that factors other than successful marketing strategies played a not negligible role in successfully raising awareness for a new brand.

Figures

“Nestlé vous présente,” Brochure, introducing Nescafé, 1952. Despite the somewhat “anachronistic” orientalist image[13] of the front page, the following two pages show drawings that illustrate upper middle-class settings (such as a coffee party of well-to-do women or a family picnic with a luxury car in the background)

Figure 1.

“Nestlé vous présente,” Brochure, introducing Nescafé, 1952. Despite the somewhat “anachronistic” orientalist image[13] of the front page, the following two pages show drawings that illustrate upper middle-class settings (such as a coffee party of well-to-do women or a family picnic with a luxury car in the background)

One, two, three – instruction, 1952

Figure 2.

One, two, three – instruction, 1952

“If you really in a hurry,” advertisement, 1952

Figure 3.

“If you really in a hurry,” advertisement, 1952

“Don’t lose time – be with your guests,” advertisement, 1952

Figure 4.

“Don’t lose time – be with your guests,” advertisement, 1952

Nescafé for the Turkish Health Minister Lütfi Kırdar, 1959

Figure 5.

Nescafé for the Turkish Health Minister Lütfi Kırdar, 1959

Notes

1.

All translations from French and Turkish are provided by the author.

2.

Between 1950 and 1960, the average annual exchange rate was US$1 for 2.8 TL. In 1960, the exchange rate increased to 9 TL for US$1 and by 1970 to 11.3 TL. In 1979, it reached 31.1 TL. The years between 1980 and 1987 were also marked by sharp currency devaluation; the exchange rate increased from 76 TL for US$1 in 1980 to 703 TL in 1987. See http://fxtop.com/en/historical-exchange-rates.php?MA=1 (accessed 19 March 2018).

3.

Turkey’s average per-capita income for the year 1982 (based on purchasing power parities) was around $2,540 (or $7 per day). This made Nescafé unaffordable for most of its citizens (data.worldbank.org).

4.

For advertisements see for instance Cumhuriyet, 10 Haziran 1985, p. 11, 30 Eyül 1986, p. 2, or Milliyet 7 Haziran 1985, p. 2 and 16 Eylül 1986, p. 2.

5.

From the early modern period on, Western observers referred to the Ottomans as “Turks”, a definition the Ottomans never used when defining themselves.

8.

New interpretations of the Ottoman past labelled neo-Ottomanism could be traced back to the 1990s. It is a nationalist discourse that aims to offer a counter concept to the “older Kemalist world view” (Taglia, 2016, p. 287).

10.

http://en.turkkahvesidernegi.org/tkkad/detay/TCCRA/85/265/0 (accessed 30 August 2018). This association issued a number of publications on Turkish coffee as preparation for the UNESCO nomination.

12.

In 2011, Nestlé Turkey launched Nescafé Falcı (meaning “seer” or “fortune teller”) presumably to profit from the revival of the traditional Turkish coffee trend. Sy-Quia, Over a Cup of Coffee, p. 84. In 2018, this product is not listed anymore on the Web presence of Nescafé Turkey. See www.nescafe.com.tr/kahve-urunlerimiz

13.

Already in the 1920s, Nestlé had realized that the Middle East is not a homogeneous market and advertisements had to consider local sensibilities and mentalities. Whereas an advertisement for Nestlé condensed milk with a drawing of a black man did not arouse any reaction in Turkey a similar advertisement triggered protests in Syria. Nestlé concluded that the Syrians lacked any sense for “publicité littéraire et artistique” (!) and changed its strategy. See Köse, 2010, pp. 342-343.

References

Primary sources

I. Archiv historiques Nestlé (AHN), Vevey, CH

AHN Dossier Publicité Turquie (1952), “Spécimen classement publ. Int., lettre circulaire, texte turc, 8.4.1952”.

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8103, Turquie Sales (1951-1958), “Rapport mensuel décembre 1952 ”.

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8100-70 (1959-1965), Turquie – Publicité général, Gen. Magt. File, 19 Mars 1959, Extrait du rapport sur la visite de Mr. Chamboud en Turquie du 2 au 5 Mars 1959.

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AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8100-30, Turquie – Vente en générale (1959-1986), lettre 12.5.1986.

Nestlé Gazette (1990), p. 123.

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Cumhuriyet Başbakanlık Arşivi (1968), CBA, 30-18-1-2/225 - 70-1, Genelkurmay Başkanlığı'na bağış yoluyla Cenevre'den gönderilen karamela, çikolata ve kahvenin gümrük vergilerinden muaf tutulması.

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Çetiner, Y. (1987), “Fiyat hürriyeti, fiyat anarşisi!”, Milliyet, 12 Kasım, p. 7.

Cumhuriyet. (1974) “Polisiye Tedbirler”, Cumhuriyet, 1 Mart, p. 5.

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Milliyet (1982), “Yurt dışından vergisiz getirilecek eşya artırıldı”, Milliyet, 22 Mayıs, p. 14.

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Milliyet (1984c) “Türk kadını ne isterse onu ithal ederiz”, Milliyet, 6 Şubat, p. 1.

Milliyet (1987), “Nescafede fiyat anarşisi”, 21 Kasım, p. 9.

Öymen, O. (1975), “Amerika geliyor diye”, Milliyet, 15 Mart, p. 7.

Özgüner, Y. (1974), “Fiyatlar Dünyanın Her Yerinde Yükseliyor”, Milliyet, 01 February, p. 6.

Sabaz, S. (1987), “Hırsızlık dizboyu”, Milliyet, 19 Aralık, p. 8.

Servet-i Fünun (1318/1902), “Kahve ziraati ve ticareti”, Vol. 24 No. 617, pp. 293-299.

Talu, E. (1961), “Turizmde komut!”, Akşam, 24 Temmuz, p. 4.

Türenç, P. (1984a), “Kadınların özlemine göre mal getiriyoruz”, Milliyet, 6 Şubat, p. 4.

Türenç, P. (1984b), “Yeni bir ithal kahve geldi: ‘Mocca Gold’”, Milliyet, 2 Mart, p. 4.

Turgut, H. (1968), “Kürdistan Radyosunda Zeki Müren’in plâkları çalıyor”, Akşam, 10 Ekim, p. 5.

Yılmaer, H. (1966), “Turistik Bodrum’da eğlenceye polis yasağı”, Milliyet, 9 Temmuz, p. 5.

Further reading

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8100-57 (1962/1987), Extrait de Annexe à la lettre de M. Guelat à Bandack, 21.11. 1987.

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8103, Turquie Sales (1951-1958), “Rapport mensuel décembre 1954”.

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8103, Turquie Sales (1951-1958), “Rapport mensuel décembre 1955”.

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8100-70 (1959-1965), Turquie – Publicité general, Gen. Mgt. File, 7.6.1962, Visite de M. C. Champoud à Istanbul.

AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8100-30 (1959-1986), Turquie – Vente en générale, Colloboration avec Migros, letter 4.8.71 and Turquie and Migros Turquie, letter 12.02.1971.

“Hangi marka kaça satıyor?”, Milliyet, 14.12.1984, p. 4.

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Corresponding author

Yavuz Köse can be contacted at: yavuz.koese@univie.ac.at