Search results

The disintegration of the SFRY, which had its roots in the late 1970s and 1980s (Delevic, 1998), started with the decision of the Slovenian and Croat governments in 1990 to seek independence from Belgrade. The event triggering the outbreak of war in Slovenia was the takeover of Yugoslav custom houses by the Slovenia government, which prompted the YPA to intervene militarily, pitting a well-armed conventional army against the security forces of a nascent state, largely consisting of milita-style Territorial Defense Units (Lucic & Lynch, 1996, pp. 183–185). The EC and the United States moved quickly to impose an arms embargo against Yugoslavia following the military escalation of the crisis in June 1991. This was followed by resolution 713 of the UNSC (1991) imposing a “general and complete embargo on the delivery of weapons and military equipment to Yugoslavia” on 25 September 1991. During this early stage of the conflict, there was agreement among the key international actors (USA, Russia and the EU) that the conflict in Yugoslavia had to be contained and that the breakup of the federal republic should be avoided at all costs, not least because it would set a dangerous precedent for other parts of Eastern Europe. Some permanent members of the Security Council (such as France, Russia and the United Kingdom) sympathized with the Serbian position vis-à-vis the break-away republics and while the decision to apply the arms embargo on Yugoslavia as a whole was justified by the fact that none of the republics had been recognized as a subject of international law, policymakers must have been aware that they were putting Slovenia and Croatia at a military disadvantage through this decision (Lucic & Lynch, 1996, pp. 295–300).

This chapter investigates how night-time light images acquired from the Defense Meteorological Satellite Program’s Operational Linescan System provide spatial and temporal insight into the economic impact of the disintegration of Yugoslavia. First, the chapter provides an overview of the economic development in Yugoslavia using conventional statistics, and second, it presents an analysis of the disintegration of the federation by comparing official statistics with night-time light data. Evaluating the impact of the disintegration of Yugoslavia as a federation and the conflicts arising in the wake of the break up is challenging since reliable data is missing. Therefore, satellite images, as one of the few sources of objective information, are potentially of great importance. We used yearly Operational Linescan System composites covering the period 1992–2013. The analysis is divided into small geographical units (districts) based on the republics in the former Yugoslavia.

This chapter explores the Slovenian equal opportunities policy in the context of globalization debates. Focusing mainly on the equal opportunities legislation in Slovenia and the other recent European Union (EU) member states, the aim of the chapter is to reflect upon globalization as Europeanization and as supraterritorialization. Supraterritorial processes, such as the second wave of Western feminist movement established a mutual relationship with feminists in the former Yugoslavia during the 1980s. Feminism and the feminist movement in Yugoslavia and in Slovenia in the 1980s and in the beginning of the 1990s, in particular, represent an important basis for gender equality politics and legislation in Slovenia. Another significant element that contributes to the introduction of gender equality legislation is EU integration. In Slovenia and also in other Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries that recently joined the European Union, the accession played a considerable role in adopting gender equality legislation. Europeanization in the context of equal opportunities policy leads to the homogenization process of standards for gender equality in the EU member states. In terms of legislation in member countries, the Europeanization of gender equality policy is performed as top-down politics particularly in recent member states, such as CEE. Using the example of gender equality policy in Slovenia, this chapter analyzes equal opportunities policy as a concept and as a legal mechanism emerging from the Western tradition, which was directly applied to CEE countries, such as Slovenia, when they joined the EU.

Socialism has institutionalised equality, guaranteeing women legal protection against abuse and discrimination. It has opened doors to women to enter public life, where in many far more developed countries women still lag behind. Nevertheless, in the domain of male‐female interaction and attitudes there has been little real change.

Centres on the impact of stagflation on marketing management in Yugoslavia and on the responses of managers to stagflation. Based on personal interviews and a survey, reports that while the impact of stagflation was drastic, managers responded by taking only mild countermeasures. This high impact‐mild adjustment phenomenon is quite different from reactions in the USA, where high impacts bring extensive adjustments. Explanations for this Yugoslav phenomenon, which have important implications for international marketing, are found in the country′s self‐managed economy.

Describes the use made of the interlending services in a country “with a high level of political conflict and national diversity”. Examines areas of science and politics in the former Yugoslavia, journal collections, automation and costs. Concludes that standardisation at the highest level is required and that library co‐operation in the former Yugoslavia can “rise above the problems caused by the hostilities in the political environment”.

Attempts to sum up and present the activities of Kennan as the US ambassador to Belgrade in 1961. Looks at his impact (or lack of it) on the formulation of US policy and concrete legislative action regarding this crucial aspect of the over‐all American policy towards the Eastern bloc. Uses published sources to show the general trend in the US strategic and tactical lines of policy toward Belgrade and the ideas and practical innovations brought by Kennedy’s team. Analyses Kennan’s input in the formulation of the concrete policy actions in light of this background.

Argues that changing context to post‐communist pluralism and possible civil war brings the textual ambiguities and current relevance of Milovan Djilas′ political thought into a sharper focus. From this angle Djilas is provocatively Janus‐like, sounding simultaneously “liberal” on policy issues, and “revolutionary existentialist” in literary and biographical genres. In deconstructing Djilas, methods of post‐modern discourse analysis and post‐communist political analysis converge. Shifting language from pragmatism to absolutism is expected in Yugoslavia. Djilas′ originality lies in making the rules of applicability for each mode of discourse clearer.

Addresses the state of management development, and particularly management education, in the former republics of Yugoslavia. Describes the special economic and political history of Yugoslavia over the last 45 years, distinguishing it from other Central and East European countries. Places management development in the context of human resource management practices, leading to an identification of missing ingredients for the development of sound professional leadership in the country. Surveys nearly 20 institutions in the former republics of Yugoslavia in terms of present major orientation to MBA or executive education, faculty make‐up, and other main policies. Concludes with a look to the future and recommendations about the next steps that are needed