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Purpose – This paper aims to detect or identify the presence of hydrocarbon infiltration on sampling point in the Rambe River area according to the obtained VOCs and the adsorbed SVOCs.

Design/Methodology/Approach – The Gore-sorber method has been used to capture volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and semi-volatile organic compounds (SVOCs) as indicators of subsurface hydrocarbon generation and entrapment. This method is usually used in environmental surveys for the oil investigations in certain areas for surface survey screening, designed to collect a broad range of VOCs and (SVOCs) at lower concentrations, quickly and inexpensively. The results also indicated a general correlation between the GORE-SORBER and reference method data. The research was conducted in Rambe River Village, Tebing Tinggi sub-district of Tanjung Jabung Barat district, Jambi Province Indonesia. The collection of the Gore-Sorber modules were analyzed using a gas chromatography-mass spectrometer thermal desorption (GC/MS).

Findings – The results showed that from all sampling points in Tebing Tinggi areas, the dominant components detected are carbonyl sulphide, dimethyl sulfide, ethane, propane, butane, 2-methyl butane, pentane, and carbon sulfide with carbon chain in the range C2-C5. These hydrocarbon gases (C1-C4) which may be from thermogenic or microbial processes. The highest concentrations of carbonyl sulfide were 392.67 ng and dimethyl disulfide 261.90 ng.

Originality/Value – In addition to estimate and predict the petroleum formation, this article provides information about the presence of oil fields in the area of the Sungai Rambe Village

The production of the ‘good life’ or the ‘less bad-life’ (Berlant, 2007, 2011), especially among generations of the Marcos dictatorship and the Epifanio de los Santos Avenue revolutions (henceforth, EDSA revolutions) in the Philippines, is animated by the ‘mobility imperative’ (Farrugia, 2016). The mobility imperative includes processes that encourage or demand mobility (Farrugia, 2016) for individuals and institutions. It figures in various ‘systems of practice’ (Levitt, 1998, 2001) among families in migrant-sending communities, government and corporations that magnify how migration is the ticket to better life (McKay, 2012) or its glorification as a heroic act (de los Reyes, 2013, 2014). Among the generations of the Martial Law and the EDSA revolutions, therefore, the ‘good life’ is hinged upon departure as professionals (e.g. nurses and engineers), workers in elementary occupations (e.g. construction and domestic workers) or mail-order brides or pen pals. Put simply, the good life in these generations is a function of remittances.

This chapter examines how the contemporary generation of young people construct the ‘good life’ in differential and new terms (de los Reyes, 2023; McKay & Brady, 2005) from previous generations. Using interviews and vision boards of left-behind children (15–18 years old), it argues that left-behind children critically appraise the ‘mobility imperative’. The chapter shows that there is a growing imagination of alternatives to the migration-induced good life among left-behind children, and therefore, they gradually refuse the ‘mobility imperative’. For them, the aspired good life consists of potentially being employees or entrepreneurs in their own villages and living a life with their own families (de los Reyes, 2019, 2020).