Search results

YOU MAY recall that the December 1974 issue of NLW contained a Christmas Quiz. Readers were asked to identify various libraries described in passages extracted from a motley and heterogeneous selection of books the compiler had chanced upon in half‐a‐lifetime's casual reading. In all honesty the response to the quiz was a little less than heartening and never reached even modest expectations. Not to put too fine a point on it, there was not one single entry. Clearly the books from which the passages were quoted lacked any discernible theme and the odds against anyone duplicating the compiler's miscellaneous reading habits were so outrageous that this caused no surprise.

The experimental, on‐line, macro‐economic data service (MEDHOC) run jointly in 1973 by the House of Commons Library and ICL is described. The background to the project, system design, development and operation, and reactions of users are set out. Some conclusions are drawn on the future role of such a service in a parliamentary context.

The study set out to determine: (1) what were the searching characteristics of end users in a non‐academic environment and explain this in the light of their information needs; (2) whether these characteristics were those that were ascribed to end users in the professional literature; (3) whether they differed materially from those of information professionals working in the same fields. Searching characteristics were interpreted in their widest sense to include: command utilisation/knowledge; search success and satisfaction; volume of searching; searching style/ approach; duration of searches; file selection; willingness to delegate and levels of training. These issues were explored in relation to two practitioner groups — journalists from The Guardian newspaper, and politicians from The House of Commons. Comparative data were also sought from information professionals in these two organisations. A mixture of social and statistical methods was used to monitor end‐user and professional searching, though transactional log analysis was strongly featured. Altogether the searching behaviour of 170 end users was evaluated in the light of the searching behaviour of seventy librarians. The principal findings were that: in some respects end users did conform to the picture that information professionals have of them: they did search with a limited range of commands; more of their searches produced no results, and search statements were simply constructed. But in other respects they confounded their image — they could be very quick and economical searchers, and they did not display metres of print‐out. However, there were variations between individual end users, and it was often possible to find an end‐user group that matched an information professional group on one aspect of online searching or another. The online behaviour of end users was very much related to their general information seeking behaviour; and to the fact that they were not trained.

It is one thing to discuss the clauses of a prospective Bill; but to get that Bill through Parliament is a vastly different affair. It was at the Buxton L. A. Conference, in 1896, that the matter was considered, and now, after four years' working and waiting, we have advanced just so far as to have got through the House of Lords “a Bill intituled an Act to amend the Acts relating to Public Libraries, Museums, and Gymnasiums, and to regulate the liability of managers of Libraries to proceedings for libel.” At the present moment this Bill is awaiting an opportunity of coming before the Commons. With this position it must be perfectly familiar, for it was only on account of Lord Avebury's despair at finding no opening for it in the House of Commons that the Association induced Lord Windsor to pilot it through the House of Lords. If the present Parliament lives long enough there is just a chance of the measure being entered upon the statute book; but, with forecasts of an early dissolution confronting us, and with Mr. Balfour's recent announcement of the Government appropriation of private members’ days this session, the prospect is not particularly encouraging. If these slender hopes are not realised, the Bill will be none the forwarder for passing the Upper House; whilst, if it should be so fortunate as to pass the Commons without further amendment, it would at once pass into law. Lord Balcarres has been good enough to take charge of the Bill in the House of Commons, and as it is well “backed,” and has been pruned down by the Standing Committee, and has really nothing of a contentious nature in its provisions, we may reasonably hope that if it once gets a start in the House it will reach a successful finish.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics of closed car-sharing services and present the relevant factors to provide reasonable service locations. Car-sharing service locations have been arranged to allow customers to easily access locations. However, the particular car-sharing service in this study, enforced through an agreement between residents of the House of Commons, is operated as a closed service, limited to public housing residents. This closed car-sharing service in the House of Commons differs from typical services in that, after use, the users return the vehicle to the same parking location. In addition, determination of the general car-sharing locations is based on the profits of the service operator. The service can be stopped as there are a number of other alternatives for mobility. However, if the closed car-sharing service in the House of Commons is canceled, there is no other alternative for existing users. Therefore, the site selection for the initial introduction of the House of Commons in a closed car-sharing service is a very important issue.

This study uses nine months of data from 39 complexes for location analysis for public housing residents in urban areas. The LH Happy Carsharing is a closed private service, used by people residing within approximately 50 rental LH-apartment complexes. As closed car sharing is unfavorable in comparison to other car-sharing services, it is important to demonstrate that the service can succeed in securing a sufficient amount of users. To analyze the viability and usage of the service, the authors have considered ten potential variables.

On the basis of the regression analysis result, the adopted significant variables are the number of households, the percentage of residents in the 40’s age group and the number of households with registered vehicles.

In general, for car-sharing research, specific user groups are not generally identified. However, LH Happy Carsharing is specifically targeted to residents in rental apartments. The LH Happy Carsharing is a private service, used by people residing within approximately 50 rental LH Apartment complexes. Since closed carsharing is unfavorable in comparison to other carsharing services, it is important to demonstrate that the service can succeed in securing a sufficient amount of users. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the characteristics of private carsharing and present the relevant factors to provide reasonable service locations.

Since 1997, the Labour Government sought to respond to the dilemmas and consequences of the earlier New Public Management reforms, according to the two principles of joined‐up government and public service delivery. A key aspect of its reform programme has been the public service agreement (PSA) framework, a target‐based performance regime that acts as a vehicle for the majority of spending and policy decisions across government and on the ground. Analysing its implementation and success, the article suggests that, in theory, the PSA regime provides an important example of steering at a distance as a form of political leadership, wherein the role of the centre is to provide the strategic framework for policy delivery. However, there are several structural constraints that have impeded the effectiveness of the framework, such as the pervading Whitehall departmental culture, and the tensions between top‐down performance management and devolved autonomy on the ground.

The Independent Banking Commission (Vickers) Report is not only one of the most significant developments in the banking regulatory and supervisory context in the UK in recent times but is also one that would considerably impact banking and capital markets functions and trends in this decade. The purposes of this paper are two‐fold: to analyse the interim Vickers Report within the larger paradigm of the prudential banking regulatory approach in the UK, particularly in the context of the debate of bailing out banks that are too‐big‐to‐fail; and to critically examine the recommendation of the Report in the context of the failure of Northern Rock in 2007. The central focus of the paper is to analyse the probable impact and shortcomings of the key recommendation of the Vickers Report, i.e. requirement to hold an additional capital buffer in order to separately ring‐fence retail functions and retail deposits of universal banks and financial institutions operating in the UK.

The method used is a combination of legal examination and case‐study based analysis. This paper sees the failure of Northern Rock as essentially a consequence of supervisory lapses by the FSA and raises relevant critical questions as to the efficacy of the recommendation of the Vickers Report in the context of such supervisory lapses and failures. While relying primarily on official publications in the public domain, journal articles, academic writings, and, newspaper articles, this paper explores the related regulatory and financial implications of the Vickers Report recommendation in the backdrop of the banking crisis in the UK.

The paper concludes that the key recommendation of the Vickers Report, to ring‐fence retail functions universal banks operating in the UK, goes only mid‐way in securing the twin objectives of stability and safety that the Report has set out to achieve.

The present Report is an interim one and the final version of the Report is expected in September. Further, various oversight reports and recommendations by the FSA and other bodies are expected as a follow‐up to the final Report. The key recommendation of the requirement for universal banks operating in the UK to hold additional capital for ring‐fencing their retail functions and deposits is not expected to undergo any substantial modification or revision in the final Report.

This paper is of immense significance to bankers, supervisors, lawyers, auditors, consultants, researchers, jurists, and, those engaged in or with various issues and sectors in financial and banking regulation.

The Food Bill has emerged from the Grand Committee on Trade, and will shortly be submitted, as amended, to the House of Commons. Whatever further amendments may be introduced, the Bill, when passed into law, will but afford one more example of the impotence of repressive legislation in regard to the production and distribution of adulterated and inferior products. We do not say that the making of such laws and their enforcement are not of the highest importance in the interests of the community; their administration—feeble and inadequate as it must necessarily be—produces a valuable deterrent effect, and tends to educate public opinion and to improve commercial morality. But we say that by the very nature of those laws their working can result only in the exposure of a small portion of that which is bad without affording any indications as to that which is good, and that it is by the Control System alone that the problem can be solved. This fact has been recognised abroad, and is rapidly being recognised here. The system of Permanent Analytical Control was under discussion at the International Congress of Applied Chemistry, held at Brussels in 1894, and at the International Congress of Hygiene at Budapest in 1895, and the facts and explanations put forward have resulted in the introduction of the system into various countries. The establishment of this system in any country must be regarded as the most practical and effective method of ensuring the supply of good and genuine articles, and affords the only means through which public confidence can be ensured.

In both the academic and public policy realms, debates have gone on for decades concerning the influence of class-based interest groups on policymaking. Virtually no work in this area compares influence in the U.S. with influence in Canada despite the fact that the countries provide interesting differences in the social and political contexts within which influence may occur. In this chapter, we analyze how receiving money from the same business and labor entities (“political action committees” in the U.S.) influences similarity in voting among legislators in the 105th U.S. House of Representatives (1997–1998). We then perform the same analysis for the 36th Canadian House of Commons (1997–2000). In the U.S., we find that sharing business contributors significantly affects vote similarity among legislators, whereas sharing labor contributors does not. This supports elite-power and class-based theories and bolsters the arguments of those who feel more campaign finance reform may be necessary. In Canada, however, sharing contributors of either type has no effect on vote similarity among parliamentarians, which supports state-centered theory and lends credence to those arguing additional reforms may be unnecessary. These findings suggest that structural context matters greatly for patterns of political power.