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That Melchior Palyi taught a course at the University of Chicago on the European banking system is unsurprising, given his background provided in the biographical sketch presented above.

Of all the various interventions into the market economy, which have been invented and implemented by man and state, those that historically have caused the gravest consequences in the advanced industrialized economies surely are the inflationist policies, which lead inexorably to the business cycle in all of its various aspects and manifestations. In this paper, we shall attempt to trace through a number of socio-economic consequences and implications of the business cycle. We are convinced that ultimately the business cycle has political implications, which are just as far reaching and grave as its numerous economic consequences.

Romania was a centrally planned economy until 1990. Over 1950 to 1975 large-scale government investments were made into heavy industry and hence productivity increased. Performance was measured against required production quotas rather than quality products that could be exported (Bacon, 2004). Compared to most other Central and Eastern European countries, Romania had little prior experimentation with market practices, so when the change occurred it was even more significant (Bacon, 2004). Romanians initially enjoyed their new economic freedoms and imported consumables previously not permitted. Inflation increased and workers sought higher wages, with consequential negative effects on output (Daianu, 2004). The government also expended large amounts, particularly foreign exchange reserves, prior to elections. Meanwhile, supranationals, such as the International Finance Corporation (IFC), World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), all funded Romania's burgeoning market economy. In 1993, a pyramid-type scheme offering huge returns for money invested for 3 years blossomed and became so large it rivalled gross domestic product (GDP) at the time. Hence the 1990s was a period of instability despite efforts to transform the economy to market practices.

Russia's size – both in terms of population and geography, spanning 11 time zones, 89 oblasts (states or regions) and autonomous republics and its privatization program, encompassing some 100,000 small-scale enterprises, 25,000 medium to large firms, and 300 or so of its largest firms, made its privatization program the largest sale/transfer of assets conducted among the transition economies, with the possible exception of China. Comparisons by many of the program's critics, and there are many, to Poland, Hungary, or the Czech republic are invidious, especially the latter two countries whose populations are similar to just that of greater Moscow.

This chapter considers aspects of ensuring competitive advantages of the banking sector of Ukraine in the context of global digital transformation. It is proved that operations that previously required a large amount of resources and time can now be carried out automatically using software solutions and artificial intelligence (AI). Companies like FinTech and BigTech that combine financial technology with their core services pose a serious threat to traditional banks. The authors noted that digital technologies make it possible to provide faster and more efficient customer service and improve the security of operations and reduce costs. The emphasis is placed on the fact that the use of AI in the banking sector will contribute to improving the efficiency and accuracy of banks, reducing risks and costs, and also contributes to the selection of personalized approaches to their customers. It has been proven that, thanks to AI, banking companies can improve the efficiency of their work, reduce costs, and improve interaction with their customers, thereby gaining competitive advantages in the market.

In the past decade, academic research has been awash with proposals on how Japan should reform, redesign and administer its bank-based financial system (Schinasi & Smith, 1998; Kuratani & Endo, 2000; Hattori, Koyama, & Yonetani, 2001; Rhee, 2001; Baba & Hisada, 2002; Batten & Szilagyi, 2003). Until the late 1980s, this unique regime, involving banks having cross-ownership with industry, was a driving force behind Japan's post-war economic miracle. However, the burst of the asset bubble, and the subsequent prolonged ailing of both the banking sector and the economy as a whole suggests that during the bubble period, the monitoring effectiveness of banks was compromised by a lack of independence from industry and the absence of external discipline. This banking crisis ultimately impaired the corporate sector's fund-raising ability, while trapping excess liquidity in the financial system through a lack of attractive investment choice afforded to risk-averse Japanese investors.

The UN Global Compact promotes values of precautionary approach to environmental changes and business sustainability, which are eagerly embraced by MNCs; however the recognized emerging country risks pose a challenge for continuous commitment to those principles in the subsidiaries. Especially political and currency risks are considered significant in the subsidiaries located in the emerging markets. Therefore, those risks are often shifted to the local partners as the pursued core principle of the risk management strategies. The objective of MNCs is in fact to limit MNCs responsibility for the liabilities and losses in the emerging markets in case of market downturns, and in effect the advocated risk management practices exacerbate the severity of the emerging market crises.

The chapter explores those corporate practices on the examples of numerous major international market players in case of several historical, but recent examples of the emerging market currency crises.

The concerns addressed in the chapter include: the preference for local financing exposing at risk local banking sectors in the emerging markets, excessive liquidity and minimal capital commitments and investments leading to weaker currency fluctuations and resulting in private capital speculations and capital flight (to safety or to quality). The intensified global competition for international investments in form of FDIs resulted in the erosion of the capital requirements, reduced social and business infrastructure commitments requested, limited currency controls, and other components of the regulatory framework easing in the emerging markets. Other identified in the research key components of the risk management strategies applied by MNCs, destabilizing the emerging markets in financial (both fiscal and currency) crises include: intercompany payments and financing such as: transfer pricing, local sourcing and reimbursements for both tangible and intangible assets transfer.

Demonstrated approach of MNCs appears ethically questionable and reflects the disparity of the bargaining powers. It also undermines the intentions of the Ten Principles of the UN Global Compact. The corporate citizenship is found difficult to dominate over the conflicting self-centered interests of MNCs operating in the emerging markets, especially in times of crises. The consideration of the non-compulsory ethically based initiative, as the alternative to the failing effectiveness of the international market regulations, requires restoration of the public and an individual value of the reputation (image, name) built on social responsibility and accountability, unfortunately so much diluted over the last two decades.

The chapter examines the effect of MNCs risk management of their foreign operations on the crises in the emerging markets with focus on inward FDIs flows and inward FDIs stock fluctuations and debt financing. The results evidence the repetitive nature of the self-interest driven corporate behavior.