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The main purpose of this study is to evaluate the performance of local governments in Pakistan through citizen’s satisfaction with local public service delivery in the context of the 2001 devolution plan.

Multiple-choice models are used to identify various determinants of citizen satisfaction from local governments. Demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the citizens such as age, gender, profession, education level, social status, geographical location and devolution policy (absence or presence of local government) are possible determinants of the model. While, the dependent variable is a satisfaction index constructed through exploratory factor analysis, using information obtained through a questionnaire.

The devolution policy variable is found to be statistically significant, indicating that people’s satisfaction level declined significantly when the devolution plan was rolled back. The impact of demographic and socio-economic variables on citizen satisfaction with local government is also found to be statistically significant in a majority of cases. Results indicate that people living in urban city districts are comparatively more satisfied than inhabitants of rural areas. Heterogeneity in satisfaction is found across different provinces, suggesting the need for institutional and political reforms. Moreover, people from a lower social status are more satisfied, indicating that the devolution process is in the right direction as far as reduction of income disparities is concerned.

The results suggest that there should be more provincial autonomy and national cohesion that will result in better understanding of the needs of federating units keeping the regional affiliation aside. Financial autonomy will give more resources, generate confidence and make the federating unit accountable. A decentralized set up will reduce the dependence of provinces on the center, which will allow the center to concentrate more on the national issues. However, the problem is how to materialize this and execute an efficient decentralization process in Pakistan.

This research is based on primary data collected by UNDP to conduct a social audit of local governments in Pakistan. No other research has been conducted in Pakistan to evaluate the performance of local governments using citizen satisfaction.

The purpose of this paper is to argue that corruption is inherently unmeasurable. Measures of corruption produced by different sources are highly unsatisfactory. Useful measures may be possible for specific purposes in limited contexts. Reasons why highly unsatisfactory measures are in use have to do with politics and power, rather than utility of these measures.

The paper shows that different dimensions of corruption cannot be reduced to a single number without serious loss of information. For example the number and size of bribes cannot be reduced to a single index. The difference between perceptions of corruption and the reality also makes most popular indices useless.

The paper shows that commonly used measures of corruption are useless for their ostensible purposes. Evidence is presented that they are calculated and used for political purposes. In particular, they provide convenient excuses for the widespread failure of the structural adjustment programs of IMF and World Bank.

The paper's findings cast doubt on the vast amount of research which takes the corruption measures as objective and factual, and attempts to find causal factors for corruption, as well as effects of corruption on growth and other variables.

The aim of this paper is to see how senior managers in Middle East, an area frequently associated with high levels of bribery and corruption, tackle these in their organisations.

A qualitative approach was employed, using interviews with 66 employees responsible for bribery and corruption management in their organisations. The research instrument used included both open and closed questions which allowed participants to expand on their answers. Qualitative data and some descriptive statistics are used to analyse and summarise interview findings.

Over the past few decades, governments have tried to control bribery and corruption via legislation. However, this is a contested area and many argue that legislation is an inappropriate mechanism. This paper assesses the implications in one geographical area, the Middle East. As well as exploring current approaches for tackling corruption, it discusses how culture and tradition affect organisational practices. We show that whereas the majority of organisations have been committed to stamping out bribery and corruption, some have been willing to tolerate such illegal behaviours.

This paper informs academics, policy-makers and those responsible for managing bribery and corruption about the challenges faced by those in the Middle East.