What Drives Inequality?: Volume 27

This chapter studies trends in income distributions and inequality in the European Union using data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions. The author models the income distribution for each country under a Dagum distribution assumption and using maximum likelihood techniques. The author uses parameter estimates to form distributions for regions defined as finite mixtures of the country distributions. Specifically, the author studies the groups of ‘new’ and ‘old’ countries depending on the year they joined the European Union. The author provides formulae and estimates for the regional Gini coefficients and Lorenz curves and their decomposition for all the survey years from 2007 through 2011. The estimates of this study show that the ‘new’ European Union countries have become richer and less unequal over the observed years, while the ‘old’ ones have undergone a slight increase in inequality which is however not significant at conventional levels.

European countries have the world’s most redistributive tax and transfer systems. While they have been well equipped to deal with vertical inequality – fostering redistribution from the rich to the poor – less is known about their performance in dealing with horizontal inequality, that is, in redistributing across socioeconomic groups. In a context where individuals may not only care about vertical redistribution, but also about the economic situation of the specific groups they belong to, the horizontal dimension of redistribution becomes politically salient and can be a source of social tensions. The authors analyse the performance of the 28 EU countries for redistribution across (i) age groups; (ii) occupational groups; and (iii) household types over the period 2007–2014 using counterfactual simulation techniques. We find a significant degree of heterogeneity across countries: changes in the tax and transfer system have particularly hit the young and the losers of occupational change in Eastern European countries, while households with greater economic security have benefited from these changes. The findings of this study suggest that horizontal inequality is a dimension which policy-makers should take into account when reforming tax and transfer systems.

Income inequality rose in Germany since the 1970s. To quantify the impact of different socio-economic trends on inequality, the author constructs counterfactual distributions of net household income with rich German data from the Microcensus in 1976 and 2011. The procedure allows to study the effect of marital sorting in education and includes indirect effects such as the influence of education on employment. When comparing the income distribution in West Germany for 1976 and 2011, the author finds that the prevalence of singlehood accounts to a large extent for the observed increase in inequality. The inequality increase is also associated with a change of employment among males and single females. When comparing West and East Germany in 2011, the author finds that the stronger labour market attachment of East German married females combined with the high East German unemployment produces even more income inequality than the West German employment structure. Moreover, the smaller household size boosts inequality in East Germany, whereas education works against it. In both comparisons, the author finds no significant impact of positive assortative mating in education or ageing.

Although they are neighbouring Asian countries with many similarities, India and Indonesia have different levels of household expenditure inequality. During the end of 2000s, the Gini coefficient of Indonesia was 9.1 percentage points larger than the Gini coefficient of India. To understand the determinants of this difference, this study decomposes it into the contribution of price effects, demographic effects and labour market structure effects. Differences in expenditure structures (price effects) and demographic characteristics are found to be the greatest contributors to the inequality gap across the two countries. The difference in the education distribution of household heads also has a positive and significant impact on the inequality gap. Differences in the labour market structure, on the other hand, turn out to be less important.

This chapter discusses the major steps and issues related to the inclusion of public services in inequality research. Empirically, it investigates how the income distribution in countries changes when the value of publicly provided services to households is included. The authors consider five major categories of public services: education, health care, social housing, childcare and elderly care. On average across OECD countries, spending on these ‘in-kind’ benefits accounts for about 13% of GDP, slightly more than the spending on cash transfers – but with considerable cross-country variation. Broadening the income concept to account for in-kind benefits considerably increases households’ economic resources. But public services also contribute to reducing income inequality, by between one-fifth and one-third depending on the inequality measure. This chapter suggests that publicly provided services fulfil an important direct redistributive role in OECD countries.

The study of the upper tail of the income and wealth distributions is important to the understanding of economic inequality. By means of the ‘isograph’, a new tool to describe income or wealth distributions, the authors compare wealth and income and wealth-to-income ratios in 16 European countries and the United States using data for years 2013/2014 from the Eurozone Household Finance and Consumption Survey and the US Survey on Consumer Finance. Focussing on the top half of the distribution, the authors find that for households in the top income quintile, wealth-to-income ratios generally increase rapidly with income; the association between high wealth and high incomes is highest among the highest percentiles. There is generally a positive relationship between median wealth in the country and the wealth of the top 1%. However, the United States is an outlier where the median wealth is relatively low but the wealth of the top 1% is extremely high.

The authors study the difference between multidimensional well-being inequality and income inequality and propose a method to decompose the difference between the Gini coefficients of income and equivalent income (EI), a multidimensional well-being measure that respects individual preferences towards what constitutes a good life. The authors propose a method to decompose the inequality difference into two parts: the vertical and reranking effects. The vertical effect arises from the correlation between income and non-income dimensions, and between income and preferences. The reranking effect arises from the fact that some persons occupy a different position in the EI distribution compared to the income distribution. The authors also propose a detailed decomposition method based on the Shapley value to decompose each of the two effects by non-income dimensions. The authors apply the decompositions using data for 27 countries, considering five non-income dimensions: unemployment, health, housing, crime and environment. The results show that inequality is much higher for EI that the reranking effect accounts for a large part of the inequality difference, and that health is the non-income dimension contributing most to both effects.

Politicians of all stripes appeal to the support of the middle class and aim their policy proposals at this group. Reference-group theory explains why citizens could believe themselves to be middle class, even if their income level or social status places them above or below. It postulates that, since the reference groups of most people are relatively homogeneous, anyone could feel ‘average’ compared to the reference group. The authors aim to test this theory by comparing perceptions about the middle class with a categorisation using objective income statistics. A survey of the adult population of the Canadian province of Quebec showed a significant proportion of citizens believing to be part of the middle class, even though their equivalised income levels placed them outside of a generally recognised income range for this group. Most notably, this subjective misplacement on the income distribution was heavily concentrated among individuals whose incomes were too high to be a part of the middle class. Our results also show that support for higher taxes on the rich might be overstated, as some respondents simply do not realise that they are a part of this group.

The authors explore the effect of the recent unemployment shock in Spain on people’s beliefs about the role of effort as a determinant of economic position. They use a series of Spanish public opinion surveys between 2010 and 2018, matched with regional-level unemployment data and find that people attribute a larger role to luck in provinces where the unemployment rate increased more during the economic recession. This finding persists after controlling for a series of demographic, socio-economic and ideological individual-level variables. In addition, the authors find that lower educated individuals, and those who position themselves as more left-wing have adjusted their beliefs more, while individuals who identify as conservative have adjusted their beliefs less.