Search results

This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries face such threats.

The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis “Non-State Actors” (Kenneth Waltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer).

The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain. The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism).

This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.

This paper aims to investigate the dynamic linkage between stock prices and exchange rate changes for the Gulf Arab countries (Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates [UAE]).

The author uses the Markov-switching autoregression to detect regime-shift behavior in the stock returns of the Gulf Arab countries and Markov-switching vector autoregressive (MS-VAR) model to capture the dynamic interrelatedness between exchange and stock returns over the period 2000–2018.

This study’s analysis finds evidence to support the persistence of two distinct regimes for all markets, namely, a low-volatility regime and a high-volatility regime. The low-volatility regime illustrates more persistence than the high-volatility regime. Specifically, exchange rate changes do not have an influence on the stock market returns of the Gulf Arab countries, regardless of the regimes. On the other hand, stock market returns have a substantial impact on exchange markets for all countries, except Saudi Arabia, and it is more noticeable during the regime of high volatility.

The findings shed light on the interconnectedness between two of the most important financial markets in the complex international financial environment. They are thus of particular interest for economic policymakers and portfolio investors.

The author distinguishes this study from previous studies in several ways. First, while previous empirical studies of the dynamic linkage between stock prices and foreign exchange markets are primarily devoted to developed markets or emerging markets, this study’s interest is concentrated on four Gulf Arab financial markets (Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE). Second, unlike most investigations in the literature that only estimate this link for the whole period, this study attempts to estimate during the good and bad period by using a two-regime MS-VAR model. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is the first study of the Gulf Arab countries on the stock and foreign exchange markets to apply this model.

The elimination of economic impediments and dismantling of trade restrictions have increasingly become a common feature in the economic integration across nations in the world. Many countries in several regions in the world have increased their intra-flows of goods and also inputs. The Arab region has experienced an increase in their labour flows, in particular during the period of oil boom. Consequently, the remittances among the Arab countries registered a steady increase; especially remittances from the Arab Gulf countries (Gulf cooperation council region). Using the panel data fixed effects estimation, the study investigates the relationship between remittances and economic integration in the Arab region covering the period 1983–2003. Despite the rising tide in intra-Arab labour flows, we argue, the harmonisation of economic policies and the removal of further obstacles to intra-labour flows are necessary to give a further fillip to economic integration in the Arab world. Moreover, our work shows that a reduction of the gap between per capita gross domestic products of the Arab countries is important for enhancing Arab economic integration.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the incentives, options, and obstacles to transfer technology to the Arab Gulf region.

A validated and reliable instrument was used to gather data from former expatriates who were employed by American-based multinational corporations.

The results indicate that the Arab Gulf States possess a wide range of resources and incentives offered to investors which contribute to the Gulf's attractiveness. At the same time, however, industrialization efforts, including transfer of technology to the Gulf region, are hampered by lack of industrial management expertise and technical skills among the relatively small national population and by resistance to new forms of technology by local residents.

Technology transfer cannot be seen as the only resort for attaining growth rates. Education, innovation, and basic science are necessary to achieve economic development. In addition, the Arab Gulf States must address serious demographic challenges.

This exploratory, empirical investigation provides insight into the opportunities and challenges of technology transfer to the Gulf region. It identifies areas that need further investigation.

This study aims to examine the impact of board gender diversity on the level of corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosure in the Arab Gulf states. Also, this research further aims to explore whether the impact of board gender diversity varies across the Arab Gulf states.

Ordinary least squares regression is used in this study to test the impact of board gender diversity on the level of CSR disclosure. Manual content analysis is used to evaluate the extent of CSR disclosure in annual reports, stand-alone CSR reports, sustainability reports and website sections to examine the relationship between the extent of CSR reporting and board gender diversity. This study uses the global reporting initiative (GRI) fourth version reporting guidelines to design and define the classifications of CSR reporting checklist.

The findings show that there is a statistically significant relationship between the number of female directors and the level of CSR disclosure. The results show that board gender diversity is positively associated with the level of CSR reporting in two countries, namely, Bahrain and Kuwait. Also, the findings reveal that there is a weak positive relationship between the presence of women on the boards and CSR reporting index in Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

This study attempts to fill the gap in the literature, in that no similar study covers the Arab Gulf countries as one economic unit. The study is unique in that it focuses on oil-rich countries. This study is, to the best of this researcher’s knowledge, the first to explore the impact of women’s boards on the extent of CSR reporting, as well as investigating the possible variation of board gender diversity impact on the extent of CSR reporting in the Arabian Gulf region.

Recent events in the Gulf have increased interest in the number, occupations and living conditions of the expatriates in the six Arab Gulf countries who constitute a significant proportion of the world’s migrant workforce. Their excessive dependence on expatriate labour is justly regarded by Gulf countries as a major problem which has broad and deep economic, political and cultural impacts. Argues that despite measures adopted by these countries to increase the indigenous share of the local labour market, dependence on foreign labour is expected to continue in the forseeable future at least. Contends, therefore, that more attention should be paid to help expatriates achieve a greater degree of acculturation. Explains that a literature survey shows that acculturation is influenced by four variables: cultural differences; expatriates’ rights and duties in the host country; work climate; and living conditions. Available information on Gulf countries indicates that the impact of these variables depends to some extent on the nationality of the expatriate. Suggests a number of measures to facilitate expatriate acculturation.

The purpose of this paper is to fill a gap in the literature on Arab women's conceptions of leadership. By comparing women's leadership authority values in three Arab countries, the paper aims to refine existing gender‐neutral research on leadership in the “Arab world”.

The study involved administering a survey, which had been developed based on Weber's work on authority (1978) and contemporary discussions of implicit leadership theories (ILT). The data (n=320) were drawn from female subjects who were enrolled in upper‐division business major classes in three countries, Oman, Lebanon and the UAE The women thus constituted educated entrants to their respective labor markets. The data were subjected to an analysis of group means on each of the questions, using the Scheffe option available in ANOVA.

The analysis found evidence of common leadership authority values in the Gulf countries (Oman and the UAE). Lebanon, meanwhile, was distinguished by relatively low levels of “traditional” authority, and very high levels of “charismatic” authority. The findings demonstrate important regional similarities and difference in leadership authority values in the “Arab world.”

The study is limited by the number of countries studied. It is thus anticipated that future comparative research will be extended to include other countries (both Arab and non‐Arab), and men.

Leadership training in the Arab region must be sensitized and tailored to address regional and gender‐specific conceptions of leadership.

The paper challenges and refines widespread meta‐notions and analyses of the “Arab world” and “Arab leadership.”

This paper aims to scrutinize and analyze the continuity and change in US foreign policy toward the Gulf region, with a comparison between the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations. Also, it explores the nature of the changes in US foreign policy toward the Gulf region to explain the factors that lead to change and when this change occurs. Policymakers were one of the most important factors that led to the occurrence of change in US policy. Therefore, the study also focuses on decision-makers as an engine of change in foreign policy. In this vein, the study seeks to answer the following question: what is the extent of continuity and change in US foreign policy toward the Gulf region under both Bush and Obama administrations?

The study seeks to answer its research question by using the rational choice approach. This approach explains that foreign policy does not change because of change of leadership. Therefore, this approach is suitable to study the research question.

The study reached several points of results, the most important of which are as follows: there is continuity within US foreign policy toward the Gulf countries under the two Bush and Obama administrations. Despite the difference of mechanisms of implementing this foreign policy under both administrations, the objectives of the US foreign policy are still constant and continuous. For example, although the events of September led to the occurrence of tensions between the USA and the Gulf region, the repercussions of the events of September were ostensible where the effects were confined to a change in tactical objectives. Also, successive American administrations have recognized the USA’s enduring and salient interests in the Gulf region.

The region is important as a source of US energy supplies as a strategic military base of operations and also as a site of US foreign policy influence through relationship with individual nations such as Saudi Arabia and the smaller states of the Gulf Cooperation Council.

This paper adds to the existing literature which charts the effects of US foreign policy on the Gulf region.

This study describes the state of the Internet in Arab countries. It reports certain Internet characteristics and e‐commerce issues in the region and brings some of the critical challenges facing the diffusion of the Internet and its applications in Arab countries to the attention of policy makers in these nations. Overall, the review reveals that most Arab countries still have a long way to cover before being able to fully realize the benefits of the Internet.