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One in every five of the almost 17 million inhabitants in the Netherlands is a first- or second-generation migrant. The largest immigrant groups with a non-Western background are Turks Moroccans, Surinamese and Antilleans. Their labour market position is precarious, as is indicated by higher levels of unemployment, larger dependency on temporary (rather than fixed) contracts and lower job levels. Substantial part of the migrants perceives that their weaker position is due to discrimination. Statistical analyses and field experiments show discrimination in hiring and indicate that part of the differential position of migrant workers in the Dutch labour market may be attributed to discrimination as well. At the work floor, migrants experience more discrimination than native Dutch, mostly in the form of hurtful jokes. Research that focuses on more discrimination grounds shows that ethnic background is not the only, nor the most important ground of perceived discrimination. Age and disability are also major grounds of perceived discrimination. Discrimination is a heavily debated topic that polarizes political debate and public opinion. It has shown to have mobilizing powers in politics. The high levels of public attention for the topic not only spurs citizens’ initiatives and governmental policies for combating it but may also facilitate recognition of discriminatory practices resulting in relatively high levels of perceived discrimination within a European context.

This study is a practice undertaking examining three main concerns that currently dominate Dutch housing market debate: how long is the cycle, will the current house price inflation continue and is housing market in a bubble. With national house prices reaching record highs across all major cities, future market prospects became a topic of significant debate among policymakers, investors and the populace.

A triangulation of well-established academic methods is used to perform investigation. The models include Hodrick-Prescott (HP) filter, volatility autoregressive conditional heteroskedasticity (ARCH approximation) and right tail augmented Dickey–Fuller (Rtadf) test (bubble screening technique).

Interestingly, over the years from 1985 to 2019 research period, filtering extracts only one Dutch national housing cycle. This is a somewhat distinct characteristic compared to other advanced Western economies (inter alia the UK and the USA) where markets tend to experience 8- to 10-year gyrations. Volatility and Rtadf test suggest that current house prices in most Dutch cities are in excess of historical averages and statistical thresholds. House price levels in Almere, Amsterdam, The Hague, Groningen, Rotterdam and Utrecht are of particular concern.

Retail investors should therefore be cautious as they are entering the market at the time of elevated housing values. For institutional investors, those investing in long-term, housing in key Dutch metropolitan areas, even if values decline, is still an attractive investment conduit.

Asks how innovative Dutch immigrant entrepreneurs are. Since the mid‐1980s the number of immigrant firms has more than tripled. This coincides with a huge increase in the number of start‐ups in the Dutch economy as a whole. However, international comparisons show that this increase has not resulted in an equal rise in the number of fast growing firms that add value and create employment – the so‐called gazelles – and are hence the preferred ideal of policy makers. This raises the question of how innovative the Dutch economy might be. To address this issue, constructs a framework of assessment, derived from the divergent capitalisms approach of Richard Whitley and associates, as this approach offers a useful conceptual instrument to do so. Concludes that, despite appearances, the Dutch institutional setting is not very conducive for value creating innovations, but instead seduces firms, especially small and medium enterprises, to follow reactive strategies. Offers some general remarks on how the conditions for innovation can be improved.

The purpose of this paper is to provide commentary on the state of affairs regarding implementation of Dutch health insurance reform, focusing on whether such reform is conducive to pharmaceutical innovation.

The general characteristics of the Dutch healthcare system is outlined, together with a brief synopsis of the 2006 health insurance reform initiative. This is followed by a description of the four market intervention mechanisms and their implications for pharmaceutical innovation. Finally, these implications and the potential for policy transfer to other European countries are discussed.

The new Dutch health insurance system represents a novel approach that closely follows Enthoven's managed competition model. Certain features of the new system are conducive to pharmaceutical innovation. These positive features include more flexibility on the part of private insurers to deviate from the national formulary, speedier reimbursement appraisals, and more earmarked funding for certain highly innovative pharmaceutical products. Other features, however, appear detrimental to drug innovation. These include direct price controls, reference pricing, and the still highly centralized nature of decision making with respect to drug reimbursement. On the whole, one could say that, despite many challenges, Dutch health insurance reform is a step in the right direction that may prove to be a boon to biopharmaceutical innovation if further steps are taken to remove obstacles.

It is premature to draw firm conclusions on whether Dutch health insurance reform is conducive to pharmaceutical innovation. The new system is at an early stage in its evolution. Further, one should be cautious about the extent to which lessons can be drawn from the new Dutch system for other European countries, given the limited size of the Dutch biopharmaceutical industry relative to some of its European neighbors.

While much is known about how changes in the drug regulatory framework impact pharmaceutical innovation, very little is known about how changes in health care insurance impact pharmaceutical innovation. This paper aims to fill that void by examining the impact of the new Dutch health insurance system on drug innovation.

One of the most important, least-known documents of the American Revolution was a 25-page pamphlet published in Amsterdam early in 1787: An Explanatory Message Concerning the Funds by Pieter Stadnitski. ¹ Within a year of its publication Peter Stadnitski's Message quite literally revolutionized American sovereign finance. My paper will summarize in detail the report's content and analyze its arguments in light of Dutch archival materials including deeds, newspaper reports, and letters, as well as congressional records from American sources. It will describe what Dutch investors knew (and did not know) of the state of American public finance and American political landscape, and the Dutch financial community's view of the American future. Its essential argument is that thanks initially to Stadnitski's persuasive case and ultimately to the success of the trusts he pioneered, Dutch investment specialists came to see the American republic as a safe haven at a time that Dutch Republic's own future seemed increasingly perilous. If their dream of achieving a new Golden Age through trade and investment with the new nation ultimately proved illusory, the effects of Dutch capital in creating financial stability for the United States government and igniting the first peacetime economic expansion in American history were revolutionary indeed.

This paper develops the approach suggested by Howe et al. to examine the impact of cross‐listings on stock price volatility in Europe.

A modified generalized autoregressive conditional hetero‐skedasticity (GARCH) modeling approach as suggested by Li and Engle is used taking into account different regulatory structures across the range of markets using LaPorta et al.'s stock market regulatory classification.

It is found that information spillover effects are important for the Dutch market for cross‐listed equities and that a different regulatory environment may have a noteworthy impact on symmetric information spillovers.

The focus is 11 cross‐listing equities and on an event window of 12 years. This implies that the results may be biased on the data sample and the length of the period that used.

The findings are important for the shareholders of cross‐listed companies as the various impacts of regulatory differences between markets (as a result of low and high shareholder protection rules) from foreign markets to the Dutch home market are identified.

A primary focus of this paper is to provide a different methodology than the one adopted by Howe et al. using a modified GARCH modeling approach as suggested by Li and Engle, to examine the impact of the cross‐listings of Dutch firms on symmetric volatility spillovers. The analysis also takes into account the influence of different regulatory structures across the range of markets where Dutch firms are cross‐listed. In particular, we use LaPorta et al.'s stock market regulatory classification is used to analyze the magnitude and persistence of symmetric volatility spillovers from the foreign listing to the home equity of cross‐listed companies in the Dutch stock exchange.

One of the most important changes in the past few decades influencing the way in which early childhood is experienced in European countries is the dramatic increase of mothers with young children who are also active in the paid labour force. The Dutch case is exemplary of this change. Dutch women's labour force participation increased from internationally the lowest rate for married women at 7.3% in 1960, to 32.8% in 1987 and to 58.7% in 2005. The latter was above the average participation rate in the European Union (15 countries) (Statistics Netherlands, CBS, 2006). In addition, the proportion of employed mothers with children below the age of 6 more than doubled in less than a decade: from 26% in 1988 to 57% in 1996 (OSA, 1997).¹ In 2003, 90% of women in the Netherlands remained in the labour force after giving birth to their first child, although they worked fewer hours (Statistics Netherlands, CBS, 2006). Children who are born in the Netherlands nowadays, therefore, generally have a mother working in the labour market, who has to organise her time around the triple needs of care, income and professional demands. This substantial change from the situation still prevalent in the mid-eighties, is somewhat counter-balanced by changes in fathers’ behaviour following the birth of a child. While in most European countries fathers increase their labour force participation when they have a child (see e.g. Plantenga & Siegel, 2004), an increasing proportion of Dutch fathers on the contrary reduces it. 10% of first-time fathers reduced their working hours when their child was born in 1997, 13% did so in 2003 (Statistics Netherlands, CBS, 2006).²

In the last number certain general statements were made concerning the history, nature and production of lager beer as distinguished from the top fermentation ale which is the chief brew of this country. It may be useful to refer to the trade in Germany and some other countries. In Germany the export of beer is, as might be anticipated, considerable. The German export figures refer to (i) beer which has been exported in vessels of 15 litre capacity and over and (ii) beer exported in vessels of a smaller capacity. In the latter category we may include bottled beer though it is not specifically referred to as such. It is also safe to assume that all the beer exported is of lager type. There has been a steady decline in exports of both kinds of beer (i) and (ii). Thus in 1931 the exports of the first kind of beer which is obviously barrelled beer amounted to 189 thousand hectolitres in round figures or over four million gallons. The corresponding figures for 1932 and 1933 being three million and two‐and‐a‐half million gallons. The market for this beer is almost entirely the European market—Belgium, Holland and Switzerland are the chief buyers followed by France and Great Britain. Belgium, Holland and Switzerland take between them from 55 to 60 per cent. of this beer at the present time. The markets of Egypt, Palestine and Tunis about three per cent., British India and the Dutch East Indies a still smaller proportion. The beer that is exported in containers having a smaller capacity than 15 litres shows a heavy and continuous fall from about 8½ million gallons in 1930 to about 2½ million gallons in 1932. With regard to the chief markets for this kind of beer the African and Asiatic markets are by far the most important. The former include the Belgian Congo, British West Africa and Egypt in order of importance. They still retain their relative importance, but the falling off has been very great during the last three or four years. Thus in 1931 the imports into Egypt were about 315 thousand gallons. In 1932, 132 thousand, in 1933, 52 thousand. The corresponding figures for the Belgian Congo are in round figures 790 thousand, 423 thousand and 332 thousand. For British West Africa 649 thousand, 292 thousand and 190 thousand. The figures for these three markets form about 25 per cent. of the total exports. Nor are the figures for the Asiatic markets more encouraging. We need only consider the figures for the two chief markets, the Dutch East Indies and British India. The exports to the Dutch possessions in 1931 amounted to 1,540 thousand gallons, in 1932 they were 799 thousand, and in 1933, 439 thousand gallons. The corresponding figures for British India were 656 thousand, 486 thousand, and 357 thousand gallons. During these three years the Dutch East Indies and British India have between them absorbed 35 per cent. of the total exports.—It may also be remarked that the declared value of the beer exported in 15 litres vessels and those of more than 15 litres capacity appears to be somewhat less than half that of the beer exported in the smaller containers. This might have been expected, but the decline in the exports of the more costly item, which is much greater in proportion than is the case with the cheaper kind, makes the matter more serious for the German export trade. The chief reasons for this would seem to be the adverse rate of exchange and in the Far Eastern markets the competition of Japan. Much of the beer intended for the markets in tropical or semi‐tropical lands is specially brewed for the purpose. This naturally adds to the prime cost and we understand that some at least of the great German brewing firms have actually been working at a loss in their efforts to retain the Eastern markets that up to recent times have taken a large proportion of the German bottled “lager” exports. It may be of significance in this connection that the imports of this kind of beer into Japan would seem to have ceased. The trade in cask “lager,” a cheaper beer—inasmuch as it does not require the special preparation demanded by the other—sent for the most part to nearby markets has not suffered so severely. The brewing of lager beer would seem to have been started in Japan in about the year 1870 by an American named Copeland. The industry once started made fairly rapid progress and at the present time the value of the output is about 8 million pounds sterling. The average for the years 1927 to 1930 inclusive being about 8½ million pounds. This is only about one‐fifth of the value of all alcoholic liquors manufactured in Japan. The chief liquor is sake and this accounts for 70 per cent. of the total, the third item being distilled spirits. A considerable proportion of the beer, about 48 per cent., is exported from “Japan proper” to the Far Eastern markets, namely China, Kwantung, Hong Kong, Siam, the Straits Settlements and the Dutch Indies. Of these markets Kwantung and China in the order named are the most important, Kwantung taking 820 thousand gallons in 1932, and China about 670 thousand gallons. Hong Kong takes about 64 thousand gallons. The market is extending. During the war a favourable opportunity occurred to send this beer to British India. The amount sent to British India declined after the war, but a market for Japanese lager would appear to have been established and to be steadily increasing in importance. In 1932 rather over 400 thousand gallons were sent to British India. It is hardly to be expected that Japanese enterprise has ended with the establishing of Indian and Far Eastern markets for their beer. As everyone knows they are very able salesmen. Their methods of manufacture are efficient; and they have an admirable and subsidised merchant marine. We have not the least wish to be in any way “alarmists,” but we desire to point out both to British, German and Dutch brewers the serious import of the figures we have quoted. Germany, the original centre of the lager beer industry, Holland, which has, with Germany, gained a reputation second to none for the excellence of their “lager,” our own brewers of “lager” in this country are all equally menaced by the rapid growth of the industry in Japan and its steady and persistent entry into markets which have long been exclusively and satisfactorily served by the brewers of these three countries. How this threat of the possible decline of the old established markets in Asia and in Africa is to be met is, in detail at least, a matter for the English and European firms, who are affected, to decide. We should however, like to point out that while it may be that no one with a knowledge of the facts of the case would question the excellence of the English and European lager beers the “man in the street”—that is to say the ordinary consumer—has no authentic knowledge to rely upon, and he is the ultimate court of appeal. Price counts with him a great deal and he accepts what he is told as to quality. If he finds that a lager beer is not up to his expectations the fact will damage the whole trade “from China to Peru.” If on the other hand he is supplied with unquestionable and authoritative evidence that the lager beer he drinks is all that it should be and claims to be then the case is put on an altogether different footing. The present would seem to be a not altogether unfavourable time to endeavour to develop the English and European trade by methods of sound scientific salesmanship which must necessarily embrace something stronger, as evidence of quality, than the mere asseverations of the producer. The return of the world to more normal economic conditions can only be a matter of time and in spite of the somewhat gloomy trade prospects at present prevailing the beginning of better times should see producers ready and prepared to take full advantage of them.

This paper explores the marketing‐sales interface in Dutch and Slovenian B2B firms.

The study included 11 Dutch firms and ten Slovenian firms, with both samples as closely matched as possible. The firms were all manufacturers of physical products that operate internationally, but varied in terms of size and industry. Personal interviews with respondents from both marketing and sales were conducted, followed by interviews of a semi‐structured format.

In some firms it was difficult to identify the marketing‐sales interface. For instance, in small firms marketing and sales would frequently be combined in one individual.

Since the paper is based on an exploratory investigation of 11 Dutch firms and ten Slovenian firms, the findings are only indicative. Follow‐up research might investigate a larger sample, different industries or different economic contexts. In addition, future research might study the relationship between marketing as an organisational capability and marketing as an organisational function or the development of scales to measure various aspects of the marketing‐sales interface.

The findings emphasize the role of developing an effective marketing‐sales interface in becoming a truly market‐oriented organisation. Thus, they can help managers to evaluate their own marketing‐sales interface and look for improvements as part of becoming more market oriented.

The findings describe how the marketing‐sales interface is organised and managed in B2B firms operating in different contexts. It positions the marketing‐sales interface as just part of a market‐oriented organisation. The findings help academics to understand the functioning of a marketing‐sales interface and assist managers in evaluating their own marketing‐sales interface and develop ways to improve it.

The purpose of this paper is to provide insights into the rationale of Dutch pig farmers concerning animal welfare and animal‐friendly production. It aims to show the interrelations between farmers' production logic, their ideas about good farming and animal welfare and the characteristics of Dutch pig production.

In total, 62 Dutch pig farmers, participating in quality assurance schemes with different focuses on animal welfare, were interviewed about animal welfare, legislation, quality assurance schemes, and possibilities for animal‐friendly production.

Farmers' attitudes towards animal welfare and the implementation of animal welfare measures follow their understanding of good farming practices, which in turn are strongly influenced by the rationale of the market in which they operate. Two groups can be distinguished. Farmers operating in markets that focus on price and production‐efficiency tend to define animal welfare in terms of animal health and optimal zoo‐technical performance. Farmers operating in markets with a broader sense of quality, which incorporates values such as naturalness, animal welfare and care for the environment, define animal welfare in terms of the room the animals have to express natural behaviour.

This article provides insights into the perception of Dutch pig farmers about animal welfare and their readiness to change towards more animal‐friendly production methods. It points to the interrelations between animal welfare attitudes and behaviour, farmers' perception of good farming and the production logic of the farm. These interrelated influences should be borne in mind by policy makers and researchers seeking to raise welfare levels in pig production.