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The contributions in this special issue focus specifically on pertinent issues concerning governance in Asian developmental states – Singapore, Hong Kong, and Macao. The purpose of this paper is to provide, first of all, an overview of conceptual issues on governance and its potential application for addressing the rise and development of Asia’s successful developmental states – Singapore, Hong Kong, and Macao.

This introduction will show the relevance of these contributions theoretically, methodologically, and empirically in relation to the current literature on governance studies.

The overview section links the theoretical and conceptual considerations with the empirical studies on either single country or a comparison between states.

The concluding remarks point to the lessons drawn from these contributions and the implication(s) for further research in good governance.

This research is concerned with youth activism in Singapore historically and the importance of legitimacy for understanding the further development of youth activism and Singapore’s democratization process. It takes into account issues pertaining to good governance, economic performance and democratic participation (legitimacy). The paper aims to discuss this issue.

The research adopts a historical approach, qualitative in nature with some quantitative analysis based on documentary research, press reports and content analysis.

Historically youth activism was vibrant and dynamic in the fight for independence and against inequality and injustice during the colonial era in Singapore. Under Lee Kuan Yew’s rule, the scope and boundary of democratic participation (legitimacy) were delimited and controlled by the state. State-contained or controlled participation has replaced contentious politics. In the Singapore General Election in 2011, the younger generation of Singapore electorate, who are better educated and well-travelled, however, proved themselves to be rational and pragmatic when they exercised their rights to reject polices detrimental to their socio-economic well-beings as well as to the inclusiveness of society. The People’s Action Party (PAP) had the lowest vote share (60 per cent) in history. Since then the PAP government had stepped up its efforts in improving welfare gains of the citizens as well as managing public discontents with more effective policies. The PAP victory in the Singapore election (GE 2015), however, showed that among other reasons, welfare gains and good governance helped in salvaging the electoral legitimacy vis-à-vis the political legitimacy of the PAP government. However, the PAP government’s continual harsh treatment of critics, young and old, means that to achieve democratic legitimacy, it has to break through the shackles of authoritarian leadership style and elite governance, which have led to the regime’s failure to face up to the reality of an emerging civic participatory culture in the Singapore contexts.

Legitimacy is an important concept. To date there is no systematic application of this concept to the study of Singapore electoral politics. This paper employs Bruce Gilley’s determinants of legitimacy – democratic legitimacy, welfare gains and good governance – to explicate the basis of the PAP’s regime legitimacy, the contradictions inherent in state-contained participation and political representation that delimited and undermined the nature, scope and boundary of democratic legitimacy.

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the effectiveness of urban renewal policy by comparing urban renewal in Hong Kong with that undertaken in Macao.

This study reviews the concepts of urban renewal in the two cities and examines related policies in Hong Kong and Macao.

The study finds that the emphasis of urban renewal policy rests on the principles of self-financing, holistic planning and public-private partnerships. In order to deal with urban renewal issues, the Chinese Government has adopted a “People First, District-based, Public Participatory” approach based on public engagement and, to this end, it has introduced various measures, such as the District Urban Renewal Forum and the Urban Renewal Trust Fund. However, compared with Hong Kong, Macao’s efforts at urban renewal policies have been disjointed and piecemeal.

The study adopts the principle of public management and compares the two cities’ urban policies to highlight the importance of both government leadership and public engagement for successful urban renewal.

With a focus on Hong Kong tourism policy, the purpose of this paper is to explain the Hong Kong government’s conundrum in addressing society’s concerns and controversies over the massive influx of mainland tourists in recent years.

This paper adopts the approach of historical institutionalism, in which the notion of structural-power takes centre stage. It outlines some notable trends in Hong Kong’s tourist arrivals and highlights some of the controversies that have arisen before delving into how existing institutional arrangements and key actors have shaped Hong Kong’s tourism policy amid the city’s shifting social, political and economic contexts.

The prevalence of business interests and the ideology of economism largely explain the Hong Kong government’s stasis in tackling the problems stemming from the large inflow of mainland visitors. Institutional arrangements in the post-handover period have further empowered the business class, giving it an edge over the unelected executive that lacks a popular mandate. Therefore, even if the central government has signaled its willingness to adjust the Individual Visit Scheme (IVS) policy, the Hong Kong government is unlikely to propose significant cuts to the inflow of IVS arrivals. Without further political reforms to boost the executive’s legitimacy and accountability to the Hong Kong people, it is doubtful that the government may emerge from its predicament in the near future.

Through the lens of tourism policy and planning pertaining to inbound mainland visitors, this paper aims to assess the current state of governance in Hong Kong. It not only offers a timely look into Hong Kong’s political system 17 years after handover but also explores the extent to which apparent dysfunctions in the city’s governance today are a consequence of institutional incongruities in its political system.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the economic development in Singapore, Hong Kong and Macao to find the reasons for the success.

Applying economic development theories and using archival data to examine the development strategies of the three economies.

There is no single model suitable for economic development for all, and small economies need to be strategically interventionist by either inducing development or balancing the disequilibria caused by development.

This is the first comparative study to examine these three fast-growing small economies. The findings lend insight into Hirschman’s theory of unbalanced growth and Stiglitz’s assertion that different economies and conditions require different development strategies.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the Group Representation Constituency (GRC) system on the governance of Singapore, particularly in terms of equity and inclusiveness, accountability, and participation.

Historical review and election data from Singapore government web site are used.

The GRC system seems to be friendlier and fairer toward ethnic minorities than the traditional system. The GRC system also encourages political parties to be ethnically more inclusive. On the other hand, however, the GRC system has negative effects on opposition parties. A government cannot be called “accountable” if it lacks fair competition and sufficient popular participation.

The Singapore experience shows that, in practice, ethnic equality/inclusiveness and even political stability on the one hand, and participation and accountability on the other hand, can present conflicts. Which value should receive priority thus requires serious consideration.

The purpose of this paper is to explore and explain the role of the traditional Chinese rhetoric of “conscience” in teachers’ resistance against the drive for accountability that oppresses them.

This paper first introduces increased accountability in the context of Macao and describes its impact on teachers. Following this, it presents a post-structuralist theory of teachers’ resistance as an analytical framework. A case study was conducted to illuminate how teachers employ the rhetoric of conscience to respond to the challenges raised by the prevalence of accountability.

This paper argues that the rhetoric of conscience, as the traditional paradigm, provides new insight for teachers to live a life that is different from the normality that is defined by the discourse introduced by accountability.

This paper sheds light on the role of the traditional Chinese rhetoric of conscience in teachers’ resistance in an era of accountability. In teachers’ lived experiences, the rhetoric of conscience intersects with the dominating notion of accountability and this contributes to a transitional discursive space where teachers’ resistance emerges as they negotiate or struggle with the entangled discourses.

There has been a lack of human rights education for a long period since New China was founded. Human rights education appeared at the university level in the 1990s, and has developed quickly over the past decade in mainland China. The purpose of this paper is to argue that human rights education in mainland China has had its own characteristics and problems during its development, and intends to identify and solve its problems in order to achieve sustainability.

First, this paper surveys the development of human rights education in mainland China. Second, it summarizes its characteristics and problems objectively, and then gives some ideas and suggestions for its future sustainable development.

Human rights education in mainland China has seen great improvement, although it also has its own characteristics and has had problems during its development. The ideas about and approaches to human rights education development in mainland China should be adjusted. Ensuring and promoting the respect of human rights in society is the main goal of human rights education. Balanced development, independent development, the encouragement of and investment by the government and society in the subject and the high quantity and quality of available human rights teachers are the guarantees for a sustainable model of human rights education in mainland China.

This paper studies the history and current situation of human rights education in mainland China, summarizing its characteristics and existing problems completely and objectively. This paper states that human rights education in mainland China should change its theories and its approaches to development.

Singapore is a small, densely populated city-state, which has become a prosperous global trading, investment and communications hub. In light of this, particular challenges have arisen in the development of its infrastructure to meet its needs. These challenges are met by harnessing private capital in the design, building, management and funding of the infrastructure. The purpose of this paper is to examine various arrangements in using private capital within key infrastructure sectors: mass rapid transit, roads, water supply, electricity generation and transmission, maritime ports and airport, ITC services, and industrial infrastructure, and to consider how full privatization, limited privatization (government-linked companies), direct government provision through statutory authorities (relying partly on private borrowing), and a mix of the above arrangements require infrastructure providers, even statutory authorities, to follow business practices.

This paper adopts an empirical, discursive and critical approach.

The Singapore government has continued to see its role as steering the economy into niche sectors where Singapore can acquire a competitive edge, and to overall facilitate economic development through active intervention. This includes, amongst other things, state-sponsored training and education, capital grants to start-ups, trade promotion, various fiscal incentives to businesses, guarantees for bank credit, etc. (Ghesquiere, 2007). This twin-pronged approach has been reflected in the development and management of the infrastructure. In line with the creation of a strong free enterprise economy, privatization and private capital has been a central feature of infrastructure investment and management.

The paper shows how private capital can be used through privatization and borrowing from the private sector to manage the infrastructure. This may be considered an appropriate means to meet the needs of a densely populated small state which is also a global hub for trade, research, investment and communications. It also shows how the harnessing of private capital can be combined with continued government control to ensure that the infrastructure development reflects public policy and adheres to required standards.