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African American females make up two-thirds of African American postsecondary enrollments and 60% of all African Americans with at least a bachelor's degree. How do brothers and sisters with shared experiences have such markedly different outcomes? I find that African American females are more likely than African American males to apply to college, to attend college, and to attend two-year colleges, four-year colleges, and selective colleges. Students' backgrounds, academic achievement, and Catholic school attendance explains the differences in the type of colleges African American females and males attend, but fail to explain differences in college application and attendance rates.

The effectiveness of work groups can be strongly affected by their “cohesiveness”. This study examined stereotypes held by African‐American college students regarding African‐American, Euro‐American, and Hispanic persons. The 92‐items in Schein’s Descriptive Questionnaire were rated by subjects (graduating African‐American undergraduate business students) as either positive (e.g. intelligent, persistent, ambitious, etc.) or negative (e.g. uncertain, passive, nervous, etc.). A total of 55 items were characterized as positive while 11 were considered negative. African‐American students perceived African‐Americans in general in a favorable light when compared to Euro‐Americans and Hispanic persons. The potential effects of such perceptions on African‐Americans’ integration into business organizations and mixed working groups are discussed.

This article assesses the educational attainment of african american males between the 1990s and early 2000s. Beginning with a summary of a 1987–1988 study conducted by the author on african american males in the new orleans public schools, national data are provided on the high school graduation rates of african american males and females, as well as trends in their enrollment and degree completion at the undergraduate, graduate, and first-professional levels. The data show a growing educational disparity between african american women and men in all higher education institutions, but also in public and private historically black colleges and universities. The author offers recommendations to improve the performance, enrollment and graduation rates of african american males in order to close the current college gender gap.

Introduction. This study examined the association between self-rated physical and oral health, cigarette smoking, and history of criminal justice contact (i.e., never arrested; arrested, but never incarcerated; or incarcerated in reform school, detention, jail, or prison) among African American men and women. Methods. We conducted descriptive statistical, linear regression, and multinomial regression analyses of the African American subsample (n = 3,570) from the National Survey of American Life (2001–2003). Results. Overall, African American women reported lower arrest rates and histories of incarceration than African American men. Additionally, we found that criminal justice contact was associated with lower self-rated physical health and oral health and higher levels of smoking for both men and women. African American women who had been arrested and detained in facilities other than jail had more chronic health problems than their male counterparts. Furthermore, having been arrested or spent time in a reform school, detention center, jail, or prison significantly increased the odds of African American men being a current smoker. Lastly, among African American women, those who had any level of criminal justice contact were likely to be current smokers and former smokers compared to those without a history of criminal justice contact. Conclusion. Addressing the health of African Americans with criminal justice contact is a critical step in reducing health disparities and improving the overall health and well-being of African American men and women. Furthermore, attention to differences by gender and specific types of criminal justice contact are important for a more precise understanding of these relationships.

Since the 1960s and 1970s, participation in postsecondary education has increased considerably. In 1965, for example, fewer than 6 million students were enrolled in U.S. higher education institutions; by 2009, however, that figure exceeded 20 million (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2011). This expansion is due in large part to the advent of federal and institutional policies (e.g., Title IX, affirmative action, and the advent of federal financial aid) intended to facilitate college access for diverse student populations (Astin & Oseguera, 2004). Indeed, much of the growth in college enrollment over the past several decades has been driven by the rising college enrollment among women of all races (NCES, 2011). In 1979, the number of women enrolled in some form of postsecondary education exceeded that of men for the first time. Since then, college enrollment rates among women continued to surpass those of men, leading to the increasingly severe gender disparities that persist today.

There is an African proverb that says, “I am because we are, and, because we are, therefore, I am.” One aspect of this blended perspective is that one's identity is tied to a larger body than the self. This proverb not only characterizes the wisdom and philosophy of African people, it serves as a point of reference in how one might begin to understand the self and one's distinct group identity or consciousness (Cross, 1995; Jackson, 2001; Kambon, 1992). In this lies the dilemma, unfortunately, of oppressed people whose identity have been racialized and suppressed by derogatory epithets, who have been labeled and called by a variety of racial and cultural categorizations – notoriously branded as Negro, nigger, Colored, Black, African, Afro-American, African American, etc. (Jackson, 2001; Kennedy, 2002).

The role of implicit provider bias in mental health care is an important issue that continues to be of concern in the twenty-first century for the Black/African American community. Access to mental health and quality care remains elusive as members of this social group lack access to mental health screening, diagnosis, and attention due to institutional and cultural barriers. Supporting the position that implicit and explicit provider bias exists in the mental health profession, this chapter will explore how implicit provider bias is an intractable institutional barrier that prevents Black/African Americans from accessing mental health and quality care. A review of the implications related to mental health outcomes with Black/African American clients will also be explored.

A brief overview of the Black/African American cultural responses to implicit provider bias will be discussed later in this chapter. There will be an exploration of the ways to help identify, address, and eliminate implicit provider bias using evidence-based personal and community engagement strategies that promote mental health wellness within the Black/African American community. Implications for best practices in Black/African American mental health will also be addressed to eradicate the risk of unethical or medical malpractice with Black/African American clients, reduce the mental health disparity experienced by Blacks/African Americans, and create mental health equity for this population.

Analyses how HIV/AIDS has affected African Americans, who are acknowledged as a vulnerable racialized group, along with Puerto Ricans. Defines the term of racialized social system as a society where part of the stratification system is designed to reank people based on their racial classification. Sheds light on AIDS and ethnicity through copious use of figures and tables. Summarizes that there is little control over tehir own community economics for African Americans, legitimately, as HIV runs riot. Urges a race‐conscious approach to the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

States that there has been a recent explosion in the publication of reference works in the field of African American studies which indicates the mature field of scholarship being achieved in this area. Provides a bibliographic guide for those wishing to identify and use research tools for studying African American literature.

The intent of this article is to explore whether there is a difference between African Americans and non African‐Americans in the use of word‐of‐mouth and brand loyalty in response to the purchase of durable goods (automobiles). Additionally, this article looks to explore preference for “black‐owned” goods and services and feelings about purchasing goods from firms that once had ties to slavery.

This article utilizes survey data obtained from over 800 respondents with analysis performed using regression analysis.

This study shows no significant difference in brand loyalty and word‐of‐mouth between African Americans and non African‐Americans and no significant preference for black owned goods and services. Additionally it was found that while a majority of African American consumers believe that most American firms have ties to slavery, this does not act as a factor in the purchase decision.

This article can help firms plan their marketing strategy in terms of how they will utilize word of mouth where African American consumers comprise a significant part of their target market. Additionally, this research can help firms to understand the context of brand loyalty in terms of looking at different ethnic groups within the USA.

The majority of literature regarding African American consumption patterns is extremely outdated, with most written over 20 years ago. The socio‐economic status of many African Americans has improved considerably, thereby making a fresh look at this group a necessity. This article redresses this deficit