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This chapter takes a look at the evolution of Egypt’s educational system under different regimes that were in power during the years of 1954–2011. By analyzing the education policy under the regimes of Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar El Sadat, and Hosni Mubarak, the chapter aims to show how different ideologies have influenced the educational system and the larger goals of social development in the country. In particular, the chapter will highlight the “open door policy” of economic liberalization and the abolishment of the guaranteed government employment policy for graduates that was initiated by Anwar El Sadat and continued during the Mubarak’ era. This became one of the factors that led to growing resentment against state’s policy and fueled the revolution in 2011. The chapter will conclude that the historical context provides a lens to understand the complexity of how education systems are formed and reformed under various regimes and ideologies, and the ensuing consequences of social inequity. What remains to be seen is how educational policy will be shaped in post-revolution Egypt.

The United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) (2017, pp. 14–15) identified that “industrialization is the seedbed for entrepreneurship, business investment, technological progress, the upgrading of skills, and the creation of decent jobs.” This placed studying different industrial sectors and their respective clusters, which are key drivers for economy, innovation, and knowledge creation (Slaper, Harmon, & Rubin, 2018), at the forefront of research. This chapter tackles the automobile industrial cluster in Egypt that possesses promising potential yet faces some challenges. It aims to provide an overview of the cluster, alongside underpinning its strengths and obstacles facing it. Moreover, the chapter displays the importance of the labor dimension in increasing the labor competitiveness of the cluster and showcases this through two cases of German automobile manufacturers that pioneered in venturing into the market through employing technical and vocational education and training. In conclusion, recommendations are provided to help in steering the cluster toward success.

This chapter explores the rise of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in global education policy through theories of neoliberal globalization and analyzing the practices of international organizations that help to frame and establish such policies in various countries such as Egypt. PPPs have been a vehicle for promoting the involvement of transnational corporations, especially in the information and communication technology (ICT) sector, in education sector reforms. The chapter examines the case of Egypt and the role of internal and external actors in promoting educational reform, spearheaded by the largest PPP: the Egyptian Education Initiative. The chapter questions the relevance and impact of such education reforms in the unstable political, economic, and social environment of post-revolution Egypt.

Micro-, small-, and medium-sized enterprise (MSME) sectors have a strong influence on the Egyptian economy. Yet, effective formulation of integrated cluster along the value chain can lead MSMEs to become international actors in export-oriented activities. An Agro-Industrial Park is an integrated cluster taking into consideration synergetic agglomeration of agribusiness MSMEs assisting in decreasing deprivation of rural territories. This research aims to present the needs of agriculture MSMEs in Egypt, to describe challenges faced by this specific sector, and to set guidelines for a business model integrating small farmers and producers into an integrated agribusiness cluster. The researcher followed purposive/nonprobability sampling technique of 100 MSMEs research participants. A combination of questionnaires and open-ended interviews were the research instruments of choice along with secondary data. This research focused on agribusiness only and specifically MSMEs in Egypt. There is no agribusiness-integrated cluster in Egypt, even though the agricultural land increased significantly in the past 5 years, leading us to believe that it is imperative to develop agribusiness-integrated clusters in the coming few years.

The six member nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have witnessed a significant jump in the quality of education since only the 1970s—becoming sovereign because of boom in oil resources and petrodollar prevalence—to the extent that the level of their higher education system nearly fulfills all Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) standards. Among successful criteria undertaken by the most GCC universities are establishing partnerships with other foreign universities in developed countries and following international organizations’, such as UNESCO and the World Bank, recommendations by focusing on establishing knowledge economies in line with globalization. Looking into the GCC success stories, the focus of this research paper is Egypt, after the country’s last revolution on January 25, 2011. The Arab Republic of Egypt has a strategic location worldwide, is a vital peace keeper, especially in the Middle East and the Arab region, and has a rich oriental heritage: cultural, social, and traditional, in addition to its unique pharaonic history. Suggested selection of some tools of assessment would be elaborated in the Methodology section to assess the quality of national tertiary education. This chapter aimed at generally highlighting some aspects of evolution of national post-secondary system during the last two decades in an effort to come up with findings and recommendations to promote country’s higher education system. As in many other developing countries, in Egypt the university constitutes a social and political hope, and is one of the pillars of social mobility and economic development for the country. However, professional endeavors are repeatedly turned down in finding a suitable job or at least entering the labor market, resulting in a rise in unemployment rate. This is due to, on the one hand, the nature of the labor market, hence the fact that the supply of graduates exceeds the market demand for them, and on the other hand, the negatively affected quality of higher education, especially in the public sector, mainly being overloaded, which produces weak qualified potential employees. This—among other factors—contributes to the downfall of country’s economy. Many who graduate from a stronger private system encounter difficulties in either being classified as overqualified, and hence get refused and are unemployed, or are placed in a position that under evaluates their capabilities, and hence with time lose enthusiasm or escape (brain drain). In conclusion, conducting a comparison between Egypt’s private and public universities, as expected beforehand, would be in favor of the former because of having better facilities and qualified faculty, earning higher salaries, in addition to the use of advanced equipment and technology in academic research. Therefore, this research intended to expand in future the comparison to include other countries from the Middle East and North Africa region—similar to Egypt in its economic and social compositions—for mutual benefits of learning from the best practices and successful models.

The chapter compares the survival of old regime elites in Tunisia and Egypt after the 2011 uprisings and analyses its enabling factors. Although democracy progressed in Tunisia and collapsed in Egypt, the countries show similarities in the old elite’s ability to survive the Arab Spring. In both cases, the popular uprisings resulted in the type of elite circulation that John Higley and György Lengyel refer to as ‘quasi-replacement circulation’, which is sudden and coerced, but narrow and shallow. To account for this converging outcome, the chapter foregrounds the instability, economic decline and information uncertainty in the countries post-uprising and the navigating resources, which the old elites possessed. The roots of the quasi-replacement circulation are traced to the old elites’ privileged access to money, network, the media and, for Egypt, external support. Only parts of the structures of authority in a political regime are formal. The findings show the importance of evaluating regime change in a broader view than the formal institutional set-up. In Tunisia and Egypt, the informal structures of the anciens régimes survived – so did the old regime elites.

The book chapter discusses the various leaders in postcolonial Egypt to understand their contributions to developing postcolonial Egypt. After the veiled independence, the first set of leaders in Egypt were surrogates of the imperial lords who had absolute power even when self-rule was granted. The true nationalists applied force to wrestle control from Britain and their surrogates. This started the institutionalization of force as a means for social change in Egypt. Almost all the rulers from 1952 to 2022 were either military or military personnel turned civilian. The ideological direction for Egypt was set after the 1952 coup that included Arabism, Africanism, and Islamism but excluded turning Egypt into an Islamic state. Some rulers attempted to circumvent this and turn Egypt into an Islamic state despite the nation's wish not to. They failed through the constant intervention of military personnel in governance. Egypt also suffered from a complete disconnect between the activities and successes of the ancient era and those of the colonial and postcolonial periods. The colonial lords truncated the progress made in the bygone era because it did not align with the motives for the occupation of Egypt. The postcolonial leaders had no link with the colonial because it was anti-Egyptian progress. Like all other African countries, all the criteria used in gauging the quality of governance and development showed that the performance of the postcolonial leaders was poor and left Egypt underdeveloped.

Apart from some minor powers that occupied Egypt, the major ones that occupied Egypt and altered the course of its history include the Ottoman Empire, France, and Britain. The imperial powers entered Egypt because of different motives and drivers. However, none of the reasons was directed at understanding the history of Egypt, the achievements of their past rulers, and crafting a better path for future prosperity from this understanding. They exploited the Egyptian resources, built their home economy, and left Egypt as an exporter of semi-finished goods and an importer of finished goods. Three primary motives were outstanding, among others. The first was to obtain revenue through the imposition of a tax, the second was to protect their home economy by having a continuous supply of raw materials and exportation of finished goods, and the third was to protect the strategic position of Egypt on the trade route to India and other raw material suppliers. Their reluctance to leave the country led to branding some nationalists as unfriendly and preference for those considered moderate nationalists who would be satisfied with superficial power. In contrast, the real power resided in the colonial lords. The imperialists were forced out, leaving a divided country stripped of its past glory. The book chapter discussed the occupation of the colonial lords and what they achieved. The conclusion was that Egypt was not better through its occupation by the colonial lords. The country lost its root in the past, which could have been the foundation for future prosperity.

Similar to other developing nations, Egypt is experiencing a “youth bulge,” or increase in the proportion of young persons in the population. Individuals aged 29 years or younger compose approximately 62 percent of the Egyptian population; persons aged 10–29 years, nearly 40 percent (Population Council, 2011). Based on these statistics, the development and well-being of this segment of the population have become central topics during discussions of the future prosperity of Egypt (Population Council, 2010b). This chapter provides an overview of the ecology and political economy of Egyptian youth’s development during the transition from the twentieth to the twenty-first century. The chapter also examines issues related to education, poverty, health, opportunity structures, and challenges associated with social mobility.