Whereas most societal commentators continue to review the historical patterns of men’s leadership in search of models for 21st-century success, few have begun to…
Whereas most societal commentators continue to review the historical patterns of men’s leadership in search of models for 21st-century success, few have begun to recognize, let alone appreciate, the equivalent patterns of women’s leadership and the future contributions that women could potentially make as leaders. What could and are women bringing to society as global leaders? Why at this moment in history is there such a marked increase in the number of women leaders? Are we entering an era in which both male and female leaders will shape history, both symbolically and in reality? And if so, will we discover that women, on average, lead in different ways than men, or will we learn that role (global leader) explains more than gender? This chapter reveals the accelerating trends of women joining men in senior leadership positions, establishes the relationship of women leaders to our overall understanding of global leadership, and sets forth an agenda to accomplish much needed research and understanding.
Research indicates that compared with male heads of state, female leaders more often insist on consensus-building, investment in social services and empathetic…
This chapter focusses on whether women heads of states and governments use their powers of selection to empower women. Compared to their male counterparts, do they appoint…
This chapter focusses on whether women heads of states and governments use their powers of selection to empower women. Compared to their male counterparts, do they appoint greater quantities of women to cabinet positions and to more prestigious posts? Examining Germany and Brazil, two countries constituting diverse cultural and institutional settings, this chapter provides in-depth analysis of cabinet appointments and regional breadth. It confirms that women executives do indeed promote more women to their cabinets overall and to higher powered portfolios. This stands in contrast with prevailing findings from within the global literature but generally reinforces those derived from single country and regional explorations.
This paper aims to cover the problems arising in the process of women employment. The purpose is to investigate problems arising in the process of women employment, to…
This paper aims to cover the problems arising in the process of women employment. The purpose is to investigate problems arising in the process of women employment, to analyse the existence of discriminatory aspects with regard to certain categories of workers, and to give recommendations for overcoming discrimination against women in the labour market.
The research was based on formal–logical and general scientific cognitive methods (analysis and synthesis, abstraction and concretization and deduction and induction). Systems and functional methods were used. The methods of concrete-sociological researches were used to gather, analyse and process legal information. The comparative-legal methods determined the actual realization of gender equality principles in different countries.
The Ukrainian labour legislation is imperfect and should be reformed, so as to not only declare but also protect women’s rights, in accordance with the current realities and fluctuations in the labour market.
The research helps overcome gender and age discrimination in Ukraine’s labour market, especially the relations that emerge at the employment stage. Discrimination against women at this stage is one of the most common forms of gender inequality.
Certain gaps in the labour legislation were found. The level of conformity of the current labour-relations-regulating legislation with the policy of equal rights and opportunities for women and men was determined. Recommendations, aimed at changing legal regulations to prevent gender discrimination, were developed, with a view to solving existing gender-related problems in the field of labour.
Democracy and Islam are both capable of multiple interpretations and applications. Islam possesses ideological resources that provide justification for a wide spectrum of…
Democracy and Islam are both capable of multiple interpretations and applications. Islam possesses ideological resources that provide justification for a wide spectrum of political models. However, the compatibility of Islam and democracy relies on the critical questions of: “whose Islam” and “what Islam,” and “whose democracy” and “what democracy.” The purpose of this paper is to explore the possibilities and challenges of the recent democratic transitions in the Muslim world.
The paper is a discursive essay.
Islamic history has demonstrated that there is no monolithic construal of Islam and politics, and in fact history actually provides hope that a more representative and democratic government might result from the uprisings, with healthier, progressive elements of Islam emerging in ways that were not before possible.
While other observers have explored the compatibility question of Islam and democracy, very little has been written on the recent political upheavals situating the question within this context.
Gender inequality, business and economic growth as ASEAN integrates economically.
The subject of part‐time work is one which has become increasingly important in industrialised economies where it accounts for a substantial and growing proportion of total employment. It is estimated that in 1970, average annual hours worked per employee amounted to only 60% of those for 1870. Two major factors are attributed to explaining the underlying trend towards a reduction in working time: (a) the increase in the number of voluntary part‐time employees and (b) the decrease in average annual number of days worked per employee (Kok and de Neubourg, 1986). The authors noted that the growth rate of part‐time employment in many countries was greater than the corresponding rate of growth in full‐time employment.
Man has been seeking an ideal existence for a very long time. In this existence, justice, love, and peace are no longer words, but actual experiences. How ever, with the American preemptive invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq and the subsequent prisoner abuse, such an existence seems to be farther and farther away from reality. The purpose of this work is to stop this dangerous trend by promoting justice, love, and peace through a change of the paradigm that is inconsistent with justice, love, and peace. The strong paradigm that created the strong nation like the U.S. and the strong man like George W. Bush have been the culprit, rather than the contributor, of the above three universal ideals. Thus, rather than justice, love, and peace, the strong paradigm resulted in in justice, hatred, and violence. In order to remove these three and related evils, what the world needs in the beginning of the third millenium is the weak paradigm. Through the acceptance of the latter paradigm, the golden mean or middle paradigm can be formulated, which is a synergy of the weak and the strong paradigm. In order to understand properly the meaning of these paradigms, however, some digression appears necessary.
This chapter deals with an important but neglected aspect of female labor force participation (FLFP) in urban India. Contemporary literature typically focuses on the…
This chapter deals with an important but neglected aspect of female labor force participation (FLFP) in urban India. Contemporary literature typically focuses on the entire urban sector and ignores one important aspect of urban living – the slums and its dwellers. This study fills that critical gap by examining two different household surveys side-by-side: a primary survey of households living in slums and slum-rehabilitated colonies, and the nationally representative Indian Human Development survey-II. This study brings outs a comparative picture of nature/type of FLFP and its various correlates from both slum and non-slum areas of three metro cities of India, viz. Delhi, Kolkata and Mumbai. It further explores the similarities and the differences of the correlates for FLFP among the slum clusters of these cities. It is found that despite being poorer and marginalized, the slum dwelling women’s LFP rate is not extra-ordinarily high vis-á-vis their non-slum urban counterparts. In slums, a higher proportion of women are engaged in self-employment (including family business) and casual employments (includes domestic helps), whereas in non-slum areas relatively more women are engaged in regular salaried jobs. Regression analysis identifies correlates that have similar effects, but with different intensity, across-the-board – relationship between education and FLFP reflects a flat-bottom J-shaped pattern; being married, higher child dependency ratio and household heads with higher education significantly constrain women’s work choice; strong income effect of other household members earning on FLFP, but asset holding has no bearing. However, there are other factors that affect FLFP differently in slums and non-slum areas. Policy prescriptions are drawn.
In order to succeed in an action under the Equal Pay Act 1970, should the woman and the man be employed by the same employer on like work at the same time or would the woman still be covered by the Act if she were employed on like work in succession to the man? This is the question which had to be solved in Macarthys Ltd v. Smith. Unfortunately it was not. Their Lordships interpreted the relevant section in different ways and since Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome was also subject to different interpretations, the case has been referred to the European Court of Justice.