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China has had a long and varied urban history dating back more than 2000 years. Throughout the imperial period (221 BC‐1911 AD), the Chinese dynasties established administrative centres throughout their empire and domestic trade flourished, especially in China's major river basins. As a result, cities of different sizes were exceptionally evenly distributed across the country and most of its citizens were influenced by some kind of urban centre. In fact, even before the mid‐nineteenth century, China had the largest number of city dwellers in the world. But China's bureaucratically‐controlled and evenly‐distributed urban configuration began to change after Britain's conquest of China in the Opium War of 1842 (Whyte and Parish, 1984). Once China's treaty ports like Shanghai, Nanking, Tientsin, and Wuhan were opened to foreign trade by the British, they started to grow disproportionately as thousands of people migrated to these cities, concentrating the country's urban population in the central and coastal areas. Soon, problems like unemployment, crime, prostitution, and drug addiction reached epidemic proportions in China's rapidly expanding cities. Consequently, when the Communists took control of China's government in 1949, they were determined to decentralise the country's urban population, to restrict urban growth, and to purge big cities of the social pathologies which had plagued them since initial contact with the West one hundred years earlier. It is, therefore, interesting to analyse each of the three major periods of China's urbanisation under Communist rule up to 1982, the year of the most recent national population census — that is, 1949 to 1960, 1961 to 1976, and 1977 to 1982 — and to discuss the most salient demographic developments during each of these periods.

In the United States, there is little difference in annual income inequality and income mobility between the rural and urban sectors of the economy. This forms a sharp contrast with China where income inequality is greater and income mobility lower among rural households than among urban households. When incomes are averaged over three years and when adjustments are made for the size and composition of households, income inequality among all households differs little between China and the United States in the 1990s. Moreover when pooling rural households and urban households and when measuring annual income inequality and income mobility of the pooled households, the mobility of incomes of households in the United States differs little from that in China. Social welfare functions are posited that allow for a trade-off between increases in income and increases in income inequality. These suggest strong increases in well-being for urban households in China. The corresponding changes in rural China and in the United States are smaller. Four sets of data on households are drawn on to document these findings.

In an urbanising world, neighbouring is perceived to be steadily losing significance and a remnant of the past. The same belief can also be found in China where rapid urbanisation has had a tremendous impact on the social networks and neighbourhood life of urban residents. This chapter challenges the common perception of neighbouring in demise and argues that neighbouring remains an important form of social relationship, even if the meanings and role of neighbouring have changed. This chapter first charts the changing role of neighbouring from the socialist era to post-reform China. It then provides an account of four common types of neighbourhoods in Chinese cities – work-unit estates, traditional courtyards, commodity housing estates and urban villages – and considers how and why neighbouring in different ways still matters to them. In pre-reform socialist China, neighbourhood life and neighbouring comprised much of the daily social life of residents. Since the reform era, with the proliferation of private commodity housing estates, middle-class residents prioritise comfort, security and privacy, such that neighbouring levels have subsided. Nevertheless, in other neighbourhood types, such as work-unit housing estates, traditional courtyards and urban villages, neighbours still rely upon one another for various reasons.

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to an in-depth understanding of China’s ongoing urban development by engaging with the theoretical dialogue of neoliberalism. It takes decentralization and marketization as the governance background to examine the evolving policy of land, housing and public service in China, with a particular focus on Chongqing. The mismatches experienced under the evolving policy are also discussed.

By reviewing and consulting related literature, archives, statistical yearbooks, government reports, local newspapers and urban planning documents, this paper offers an overview of urban policy in China. The authors have also taken two field trips and conducted interviews in Chongqing in Summer 2012 and Winter 2013.

This paper finds that urban China’s land, housing and public service markets have been re-regulated, with a rescaling of statehood, recalibration of central-local relations and reinvented urban governance in the post-reform era. These policies have evolved from the market-oriented principles of early reforms to a more hybrid approach for which the policies have matured and state intervention has been reintroduced. Mismatches have been generated by this evolution.

This paper provides an up-to-date examination of new initiatives for policy adjustment in urban China, with a closer look at Chongqing, one of the most dynamic contemporary metropolises in the country. It has important implications for the debate over China’s engagement with neoliberal urbanism. Also, it empirically reveals the mismatches created by the latest policy initiatives.

In recent years, a great deal of work has emerged on eco-cities in China. Specifically, writers have discussed the role of the entrepreneurial state in the construction of eco-cities and have noted the role of these cities in the production of high-end real estate and new forms of capital accumulation and land acquisition. Whilst this chapter supports these arguments, we argue that the emergence of eco-cities in China is tied up with broader socioeconomic and cultural discourses and discourses of governance. We explore these ideas through a qualitative investigation of an eco-city known as the North Lake (Beihu) Ecological New Town (NLENT) located in the city of Jining, Shandong province. Specifically, this project, which involved the collection of documents, photographs and 20 semi-structured interviews, aims to understand the role that discourses of class, taste and consumption play in the fashioning of Chinese eco-cities. In exploring discourses of ‘green conduct’, this chapter also seeks to understand the role of eco-cities in the governmental fashioning of Chinese subjects and bodies. In this regard, this chapter suggests that whilst new forms of green development have played a part in urban expansion, new green real estate zones such as the NLENT have a powerful role to play in the construction and shaping of Chinese identity and behaviour.

This study is designed to identify the policy shift on migrant children's11There are various definitions of migrant children in urban China. In this research, migrant children refer to the children from rural areas who have resided with their parents at the urban areas for at least six months without local household registration status. education at national level in urban China22With the rapid socioeconomic development and urbanization in China, the definition of urban China is changing. In this research, urban China refers to the major cities in China, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Tianjin, Chongqing, and so forth. during the past decades. Meanwhile, it is expected to explore the policy limitations reflected by the practice at school level regarding accommodating migrant children's education.

This study is conducted through policy review regarding education for migrant children and analysis of data collected through questionnaires and interviews at one public junior high school in Beijing.

This study identifies a positive change of involving migrant children in urban public schools. However, there is a need for flexible mechanism that can fully accommodate various needs regarding migrant children's education in urban public schools.

The study argues the necessity of a multipartnership for establishing a sustainable public education system for accommodating migrant children education in urban public schools.

Being different from other research on the same issue in urban China, this study leads a new round of discussion on the quality education for migrant children.

To explore income inequality in urban China, this paper investigates disparities between- and within-urban locals and rural migrants from 2002 to 2013, using three waves of the China Household Income Project (CHIP) data. While the existing literature concentrates on the wage disparity between these two groups, our results show that the Gini among the migrants increased by 17.86% between 2007 and 2013 and that among the locals increased by 15.54% from 2002 to 2007. The urban–migrant average income gap decreased during the whole period mainly due to higher growth in migrants’ average income. Estimates based on Mincerian earnings functions for both groups reveal the significant role of the education, occupation and type of contract in determining the within-group inequality. In addition, using a recentred influence function (RIF), we observe that short-term and other types of contracts, duration of the job, in-system ownership, marriage and skill have inequality-enhancing effects for migrants. The variation of skills has a larger impact on the income disparity among migrants than on that among urban locals. The RIF-based Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition of the mean difference of incomes shows that labour market discrimination between the two groups is not significant; however, both pure explained and unexplained differences are significant when applying the RIF decomposition to the variance of the logarithms of incomes. While the type of contract significantly reduces the pure explained difference between migrants and urban locals, occupation has a positive impact on this difference between these two groups. The heterogenity analysis shows that the factors influencing incomes in these two groups are different. We recommend labour market intervention to reduce unreasonable occupational and sectoral disparities, especially in the net inflow provinces, to mitigate urban inequality in China effectively.

Urbanisation, environmental sustainability and property markets are intertwined. Consequently, studies on any of these three topics need to take the other two topics into consideration. By critically reviewing 33 hedonic pricing studies in 16 key journals in the urban studies and environmental policies areas, we summarise quantitative evidence on the price of environmental externalities resulting from China's urbanisation process. We find that Chinese residents are willing to pay more for the access to green space and waterbody as well as the treatment of urban pollution. The cost and benefit of these amenities and disamenities have already been capitalised in house prices. The central and local government in China can leverage market force to encourage, support and facilitate sustainable urban development and environmental protection, instead of directly intervening in the property market by using public resources. Meanwhile, the estimated hedonic price of Urban Green, Urban Blue and Urban Grey helps policymakers to understand the cost and benefit of their urban development decisions. Our review of the papers on Urban Green, Urban Blue and Urban Grey suggests that there have been promising and encouraging development in studies on all three topics in the last decade. The quality and quantity of hedonic price research has been improving notably. However, it is also clear that there is virtually no empirical evidence from the second- or third-tier cities, particularly, regarding Urban Green and Urban Blue investigations. The small number of existing hedonic studies is far from sufficient to draw reliable conclusions about the costs of environmental externality for cities that have not been studied. What works in first-tier cities may not hold elsewhere in China due to the large geographical variation in natural endowment, economic development status and local customs. There are many pieces that are missing from this big picture. More hedonic price studies are needed.

Urban‐rural interaction in China has evolved over time and presented features in different periods since 1949. The aim of this paper is to measure urban‐rural interaction in China in a 50‐year period from 1958 to 2007, and to see if it bears resemblance to the historical evolution.

The paper historically reviews urban‐rural interaction in four periods after 1949. Then, it uses principal component analysis (PCA) and assesses this interaction in the study period.

The quantification of urban‐rural interaction bears resemblances to its historical evolution. Reform and opening‐up as well as the rural‐favored policies contribute a lot to the increase of urban‐rural interaction.

The paper systematically reviews the evolution of urban‐rural interaction in China, and analyzes the features of this interaction in different periods since 1949. It introduces PCA and measures urban‐rural interaction.

The purpose of this paper is to make a general comparison between urban‐rural relationship in China and that in the developed countries, aiming to draw some experiences based on which future tendencies of urban‐rural relationship in China could be predicted.

The core analysis of this paper examines how the urban‐rural relationship develops especially when urbanization rate reaches a very high level. Through literature review, this paper explores the evolution of urban‐rural relationship in developed nations by referring to some international cities in different industrial stages. In parallel, it goes through this relationship in China from 1949 until now.

This paper shows that future urbanization development in China will be generated largely by rural‐urban migration especially the eastern‐inclined migration while rural industrialization‐lead urbanization would develop at the provincial level. It also points that education and training to the labor force is the crucial issue to future urbanization development in China.

The obvious value of this paper is to predict, through a historical review and comparison, urban‐rural relationship in China when it is approaching to high urbanization level. Literature review finds some experiences in developed countries that will somehow take place in China. It also analyzes the eastern‐oriented rural‐urban migration, rural industrialization and their influence on urban‐rural relationship in China.