Search results

In 2010, the National Mediation Board (NMB) decided to base Railway Labor Act representation election outcomes on a simple majority of those voting, rather than on the majority of all eligible voters, as had been required earlier. This was widely expected to make it easier for unions to win rights to recognition in the railway and airline industries. We demonstrate that investors expected that this change would favor unions, just as they earlier had expected rule changes that made voting easier (in 2002 and 2007) to be favorable to unions, affecting stock prices of railway and airline corporations. After the 2010 change in election procedure, between 77% and 91% of all eligible employees returned ballots in NMB elections, demonstrating that a significant portion of nonvoters were not opposed to union representation, but simply were unwilling or were unable to vote. We conclude that the current voting process is fairer than the old one. However, it has not resulted in a tide of union success in these representation elections. Apparently scholars, the parties themselves, and investors all over-estimated the practical consequences of changing NMB representation election procedures.

In the last monograph an attempt was made at giving a short historical background of the trade union movement; at defining a trade union; at discussing the closed shop and at looking towards its future.

The question of why workers support unions is one of the most fundamental in employment relations. Using Ajzen’s Theory of Planned Behavior we conduct a selective review of literature and evidence on union voting, joining, and participation. We focus primarily on the question of motivation as stemming from self-interest or from pro-social considerations. Secondary attention is given to the influence of others’ views (subjective norms) and worker perceptions that they can achieve desired behaviors (perceived control or self-efficacy). We find support for the notion that workers are concerned with neither member self-interest (“just us”) alone, nor pro-social (“justice”) alone, but rather that they are motivated to form, join, and participate by both considerations. This micro-foundation for considering unions as institutions suggests that unions are neither narrow self-interested institutions nor purely pro-social movements, but “a little bit of both.” We offer propositions and consider implications for theory, practice, and future research.

We present a comprehensive literature review and critique of union decertification research, and develop a theoretical framework that should prove useful for future research. The framework incorporates three theoretical viewpoints from several research traditions: the expected utility, social‐political, and workplace voice perspectives. We provide suggestions for how each viewpoint can be modeled in future research. Additionally, although some previous decertification research was theoretically rich, the empirical findings across prior studies were ambiguous and inconsistent. We analyze the reasons for the ambiguous and inconsistent prior findings, and note how future research can avoid or minimize the empirical problems of the past.

For the AFL-CIO, the 2000 presidential election was a test of a revised political action program that concentrated resources on “issue based” political education and intensive member contact. Using quasi-experimental methods, I evaluate the effect of direct mailings, telephone calls, and workplace mobilization on the presidential preferences and voting rates of members from a Milwaukee area local union. Results indicate that only workplace mobilization successfully communicated the labor-endorsed candidate and shifted preferences toward that candidate. Voting rates were higher among union members that received a get-out-the-vote telephone call prior to the election.

What are the risks of another ballot rigging scandal to rival that of the Electricians' Union 20 years ago? Is British trade unionism really open to infiltration by political extremists? Dave Grayston looks at union voting procedures and concludes that they are a good deal more democratic than those of their strongest critics, the politicians.

Popular accounts of the labor movement suggest that unions have become weak organizations. There are, however, trends that indicate laborʼs political power has not waned in recent years. Using data from multiple sources, the results in this study indicate: (1) despite declines in union density, the percentage of union households has remained steady for two decades; (2) unions continue to produce a strong Democratic vote from its membership, even from its white male members; (3) unions are among the top campaign contributors and spenders in American elections; (4) unions hold significant influence among congressional Democrats and have made gains at the state and local level; and (5) public opinion of labor unions has remained consistently positive for several decades.

The objective of this research was to examine factors that impact union elections in the trucking sector. Since trucking firms are labor intensive, unions can have an impact on the cost of doing business and competitiveness. One hundred and ninety‐nine union elections conducted by the National Labor Relations Board in trucking firms between January 2001 and December 2002 were examined. Type of union, size of bargaining unit, election delays, and voter turnout significantly impacted union win rates. Type of election, type of state, and type of bargaining unit did not impact union win rates. Implications for managers, educators, and union leaders in trucking are discussed.

The authors collected data from 295 randomly selected employees, four months after the company’s first labor union certification election. Results of separate multiple regression analyses suggested that job security, extrinsic job satisfaction, and organization‐based self‐esteem (OBSE) were predictors of organizational instrumentality for both males and females. For men, the division where they work, low desire to change, and low consideration were related to their organizational instrumentality, whereas for women, low income, the Japanese management style, and the Protestant Work Ethic were related to their organizational instrumentality. Non‐professional men had a stronger belief that money represents their achievement than professional men. Professional women had a stronger interest in intrinsic job satisfaction than non‐professional women. Both male and female professionals valued Japanese management style. Results are discussed in light of managers’ efforts in satisfying employees’ needs and union leaders’ efforts in organizing their targets.

Conventional tests of the regression discontinuity design’s identifying restrictions can perform poorly when the running variable is discrete. This paper proposes a test for manipulation of the running variable that is consistent when the running variable is discrete. The test exploits the fact that if the discrete running variable’s probability mass function satisfies a certain smoothness condition, then the observed frequency at the threshold has a known conditional distribution. The proposed test is applied to vote tally distributions in union representation elections and reveals evidence of manipulation in close elections that is in favor of employers when Republicans control the NLRB and in favor of unions otherwise.